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YORKSHIRE 

ARCHAEOLOGICAL 

JOURNAL 



VOLUME 79 


2007 


©The Yorkshire Archaeological Society and Contributors, 2007 


Cover design by Tony Berry 


THE 

YORKSHIRE 

ARCHAEOLOGICAL 

JOURNAL 


A REVIEW 

OF HISTORY AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN THE COUNTY 
PUBLISHED UNDER THE DIRECTION 

OF THE 

YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY 

EDITED BY EDWARD ROYLE AND JILL WILSON 


VOLUME 79 

FOR THE YEAR 
2007 


ISSN 0084-4276 


THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY 


PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY BY 
SMITH SETTLE 


THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY 

Claremont, 23 Clarendon Road, 

Founded LEEDS, LS2 9NZ Incorporated 

1863 Telephone (0113) 245 7910 1893 

http://www.yas.org.uk 

Patrons 

Sir Marcus Worsley, Bt. 

The Right Revd and Right Honourable Dr David Hope 

Lord Crathorn, Lord Lieutenant of North Yorkshire 

Dr Ingrid Mary Roscoe, FSA, Lord Lieutenant of West Yorkshire 

Officers and Council 2004-2005 
President 

R. A. Hall 

Honorary Vice-Presidents 

P. V. Addyman L.A.S. Butler R.M. Butler 
G.C.F. Forster J. Taylor 

Vice-Presidents 

P.B. Davidson R. Morris 

J. le Patourel S. Thomas 


Management Board 

Brayford, P. 


Cruse, R. J. 
Edwards, M. 
Forster, G C. F. 
Luke, Y. 
Matthews, F. 


Moorhouse, 
Roberts, I. 
Scholey, M. 
Thomas, S. 
White, R. F. 
Wilson, P. R. 


S. 


Council 

Brayford, P. (Beverley) 

Cruse, R.J. ( Menston ) 

Edwards, M. ( Hebden Bridge) 
Hemingway, M.F. ( Leeds ) 

Luke, Y. 

Matthews, F. 

Mawtus, M. ( Tunbridge Wells) 


Moorhouse, S. ( Batley ) 
Payne, D. {Leeds) 

Roberts, I.D. {Leeds) 
Scholey, M. (Leeds) 
Thomas, S. 

Wilson, P. (Portsmouth) 
White, R.F. (Northallerton) 


All of the following are members of Council ex officio , postal address ‘Claremont’ 

Hon. Secretary: M.J. Heron 

Hon. Treasurer: J.M. Lucas 

Hon. Lectures Secretary: Vacancy 

Hon. Membership Secretary: D. Bower (co-opted) 

Hon Editors (Journal): E. Royle and J. Wilson 
Hon Series Editor: RR. Wilson 
Hon. Grants Officer: I D. Roberts 
Senior Librarian and Archivist: R.L. Frost 

Hon. Secretaries or Representatives of Sections 
postal address ‘Claremont’ 

Record Series: C.C. Webb 

Parish Register Section: RM. Litton 

Wakefield Court Rolls Section: K. Emsley 

Prehistory Research Section: R. J. Cruse 

Roman Antiquities Section: P.R. Wilson 

Medieval Section: M. Edwards 

Industrial History Sections (contact) W.N. Slatcher 

Family History & Population Studies Section: J. Butler 

Representative of Groups and Affiliated Societies 

Doncaster Group: A Steers 

East Riding Arch. Research Trust:T. G. Manby 

East Riding Archaeological Society: P. Brayford 

Forest of Galtres Society: R. Prestwich 

Great Ayton Community Archaeology Project: I. Pearce 

HarrogateArchaeological Society: A. Kirk 

Huddersfield & District Archaeological Society: E.A. Vickerman 

IngleboroughArchaeology Group: A. King 

Northallerton & District Local History Society: J. Sheehan 
Olicana Historical Society: M.H. Long 
Pontefract & District Archaeological Society: 

Saddleworth Historical Society: 

Scarborough Archaeological & Historical Society: 

Sedbergh & District Historical Society: 

Skipton & Craven Historical Society: D. C. Grant 
Upper Wharfedale Field Society: D. Johnson 
Wakefield Historical Society: 

Yorkshire Architectural & York Archaeological Society: 

Yorkshire Vernacular Buildings Study Group: J. Quarmby 


Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2017 with funding from 
Yorkshire Archaeological & Historical Society 


https://archive.org/details/YAJ0792007 


CONTENTS OF VOLUME 79 


THE DYNAMICS OF HUMAN ACTIVITY AND LANDSCAPE PROCESSES ON THE 
YORKSHIRE WOLDS; AN ASSESSMENT OF DRY VALLEY DEPOSITS AT 
COWLAM WELL DALE 

Catherine Neal 1 

ARCHAEOLOGICAL EXCAVATION OF A BRICKWORK PLAN FIELD SYSTEM AT 
CATESBY BUSINESS PARK, BALBYCARR, DONCASTER, SOUTH YORKSHIRE 
2002 

Laurence Jones with major contributions by Rowena Gale, James Greig, David Smith and 
Emma Tedow and with other contribudons by Lynne Bevan, Annette Hancocks and 


Emma Hancox 17 

ROUTE I IN ROMAN BRITAIN:FROM THE FRONTIER TO THE HUMBER 
J.G.F. Hind 55 


CATTERICK METAL DETECTING PROJECT WITH AN APPENDIXON 1993 
EVALUATION EXCAVATIONS SOUTH OF BAINESSE (SITE 506) AND WITHIN 
THE SUBURB OF CATARACTONIUM NORTH OF THE RIVER SWALE 

RJ. Brickstock, PA. Cardwell, PA. Busby, H.E.M. Cool,J.P. Hundey,J. Evans, P Makey, 


D. Ronan and PR. Wilson 65 

MEDIEVAL CROSS SLABS IN THE NORTH RIDING OF YORKSHIRE. 

CHRONOLOGY, DISTRIBUTION AND SOCIAL IMPLICATIONS 

Aleksandra McClain 155 

EXCAVATION AT THE BARBICAN AND MASTER GUNNER’S HOUSE AT 
SCARBOROUGH CASTLE, NORTH YORKSHIRE 

Colin Hayfield and the late Tony Pacitto with a contribution by Susie White 195 


EXCAVATIONS AT THE GARDENS, SPROTBROUGH, SOUTH YORKSHIRE 

Chris Fenton-Thomas with contributions from Alan Vince, Kate Steane, Sandra 
Garside-Neville, Cecily Spall, Graham Bruce, jane Cowgill,John Carrott, Deborah 


Jacques, Allan Hall, Harry Kenward, Kathryn Johnson and Tania Kausmally. 231 

GERMAN PRINTS, FLEMISH CRAFTSMEN AND YORKSHIRE BUILDINGS - A 
LATE MEDIEVAL WOOD-CARVING IN SCARBOROUGH 

Arnold Pacey. 31 1 

COMMUNICATIONS 

AN EARLY DESCRIPTION OF THE DEVIL’S ARROWS, 
BOROUGHBRIDGE, NORTH YORKSHIRE 


John Walford 325 

DONCASTER AND THE CHURCH OF ST. GEORGE IN THE ELEVENTH 
CENTURY 

Brian Barber. 326 


AN EARLY RAILWAY BUILDING: THE WEIGHING MACHINE HOUSE, 


WHITBY 

Andrew White 329 

WAS THERE A FIRE AT THORP GREEN HALL 

HelierHibbs 334 

A RITUALIST PRIEST IN LEEDS: AN ASSESSMENT OF THE FIRST 
FIFTEEN YEARS OFJOHN WYLDE’S INCUMBENCY AT ST. SAVIOUR’S 
CHURCH (1877-1929) 

Roy Yates 335 

DOCUMENTS 

RICHARD LODGE (1612-1656), MERCHANT OF LEEDS - HIS DISPUTED 
WILL 

Derek K Mason 349 

AN INDENTURE DATED 1686 BETWEEN JOHN SAUNDERSON AND 
JOHN AND RACHELL TAYLOR 

Charlotte Colding Smith 377 

OBITUARY 

Dr Ian Goodall 387 

BOOK REVIEWS 389 


NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS TO VOLUME 79 


Brian Barber was an archivist with the West Yorkshire Archive Service and subsequently 
senior, then principal, archivist at Doncaster Archives up to his retirement in 2006. He was 
a research student of the late Professor M. W. Beresford and subsequently his research 
assistant. He wrote the greater part of the official history of the West Riding County Coun- 
cil, has produced articles and contributed to books on the history of Darlington, Doncaster, 
Leeds, Sheffield and Wakefield and also to the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. 
His next publication is a history of Doncaster, to be published by Phillimore later this year. 

Richard Brickstock is Curator of Durham Castle Museum and a consultant Numisma- 
tist, aswellas being a Lecturer in Classical Archaeology at the University of Leeds. 

Peter Busby is the English Heritage Aggregates Advisor for Western England. 

Peter Cardwell was formerly a Parmer in Northern Archaeological Associates and is now 
an independent Archaeological Consultant. 

Dr Hilary Cool is a Roman Finds Specialist and has published widely on Roman glass and 
other material from Britain and beyond. 

Dr Colin Hayfield is a freelance archaeologist and medieval pottery specialist and has 
published extensively on the medieval pottery of Yorkshire and North Lincolnshire. 

Helier Hibbs was a primary school teacher who trained at Stjohn's College, York, and 
whose main interest was history. When researching the history of Holy Trinity church, Litde 
Ousebum, he discovered George Whitehead’s diaries. He decided to transcribe and publish 
them as Victorian Ouseburn, George Whitehead’sjournal. He has since published various 
guide books and grave memorial records. 

Dr John Hind is a retired member of the School of History, University of Leeds. He has a 
long standing interest in the application of various disciplines (interpretation of Greek and 
Latin text, study of toponyms and topography, archaeological excavation and survey) to the 
study of aspects of Roman Britain. His articles on similar themes have appeal ed in Britan- 
nia, Nor then History and the YAJ. 

Jacqui Hundey is an archaeobotanist and English Heritage Regional Science Advisor for 
the North East. 

Dr Jeremy Evans is a Roman Pottery Specialist and has published widely on the Roman 
Pottery of Yorkshire and beyond. 

Dr Chris Fenton-Thomas is a project officer with On-Site Archaeology and has worked 
on a wide variety of projects in Yorkshire - his PhD research considered the long term 
landscape history of the central Yorkshire Wolds. 


Laurence Jones is a Senior Project Manager at Birmingham Archaeology. Over the 
course of a 20-year career in British field archaeology he has directed and managed 
numerous projects, including several large-scale excavations of Iron Age and Romano- 
British sites, evaluations and surveys. His chief interest is the British Iron Age. 

Peter Makey is a freelance Flint Specialist who has worked widely on lithics from York- 
shire and beyond. 

Derek K Mason, is a Fellow of the Royal Institution of Chartered Surveyors and has been 
a practicing surveyor for over forty years dealing with the acquisition, sale, leasing and 
management of property. He has a keen interest in pre eighteenth century history and has 
been researching his own family history for some eight years. 

Aleksandra McClain received her BA in Archaeology from Yale University and her MA 
in Medieval Archaeology and PhD from the University of York. Her research has focused 
on the development and social implications of church-building and commemorative sculp- 
ture in Anglo-Scandinavian and Anglo-Norman Yorkshire, and her research interests in- 
clude church and landscape archaeology, the Anglo-Norman transition, patronage, and elite 
social identity. She has been a teaching fellow at the University of York, and is currently 
working as a research assistant at UEA on an AHRC-funded study of the historic landscape 
of Northamptonshire. 

CathNeal was a Sister in Coronary Care and a Registered Health Visitor before deciding 
to return to University to study archaeology in 2000. Currently studying for a PhD at the 
University of York her main interests are environmental and landscape archaeology, ar- 
chaeological theory and the history and politics of 'heritage'. 

Arnold Pacey taught the history of science for the Open University before he reUred and 
has written books on the history of technology, but his oldest and most abiding interest is 
architectural history and pardcularly vernacular architecture. 

Damian Ronan works for Northern Archaeological Associates who has worked widely on 
sites in Northern England and Scodand. 

Charlotte Colding Smith has studied at the Universities of Melbourne and Heidelberg. 
She is currendy enrolled in a PhD at the University of Melbourne with topic on the Repre- 
sentations of the Archetypal Turk in the Early Modern Imagination: Printed Images of the 
Ottoman Turk in Western Europe from 1450 1650. For this she has received the Caroline 
Kay Scholarship and a Melbourne Research Scholarship. She has previously worked as a 
Conservation Technician in ajoint project of the Ian Potter Museum of Art and Melbourne 
University Archives, 2004-2005. 


John Waif ord has a BSc in Archaeological Science (2004) and an MSc in Archaeological 
Prospection (2005) , both from the University of Bradford. He currendy lives in Milton 


Andrew White, who holds a doctorate in archaeology from Nottingham University 
and recently retired as Head of Museums at Lancaster, is a Fellow of the Museums 
Association and of the Society of Antiquaries of London. He has written several books 
and articles on Whitby, including The Buildings of Georgian Whitby (1995) and A 
History of Whitby (1993 and 2004), and is currently researching the history, surviving 
artefacts and construction of the Whitby 8c Pickering Railway. 

Dr Pete Wilson is Head of Research Policy (Roman Archaeology) for English Heritage. 

Roy Yates is a Methodist Minister, recendy retired, and formerly Superintendent of the 
Headingley Methodist Circuit. He has studied at the Universities of Cambridge and Man- 
chester, and holds a doctorate from the latter. His published works include the Epworth 
Commentary on Colossians, and numerous articles on Pauline and New Testament themes. 
The substance of this article was presented for the Yorkshire History Essay Prize 2006 
awarded by the Yorkshire Society. 











Yorkshire Archaeological Journal 79, 2007 


1 


THE DYNAMICS OF HUMAN ACTIVITY AND 
LANDSCAPE PROCESSES ON THE YORKSHIRE 
WOLDS; AN ASSESSMENT OF DRY VALLEY 
DEPOSITS AT COWLAM WELL DALE 

Catherine Neal 

The dry valleys of the Yorkshire Wolds contain deposits that could significantly add, to our 
archaeological understanding of the area. A programme of geoarchaeological fieldivork was 
undertaken during 2004 as part of a Masters degree in Archaeological Research at The 
University of York. This comprised a desk-based assessment, topographic survey, followed 
by an auger survey and then test pit excavation in a case study area. Evidence was found for 
human and natural induced erosional, processes, a buried land surface and primary loess 
deposition. The geoarchaeological characterisation of dry valley sediment has enhanced 
our understanding of the landscape at Cowlam and has substantial utility for future archaeo- 
logical research on the Yorkshire Wolds. This project is continuing as doctoral research at 
the University of York. 

INTRODUCTION 

The Yorkshire Wolds are the northernmost expanse of English chalk and are situated in 
East Yorkshire, forming an arc between the Humber estuary and Flamborough Head (Lewin 
1969, 1) . This landscape of rolling hills and dry valleys is a product of both natural processes 
and human activity. This paper asserts that the only way to accurately understand the ways 
in which people have used and modified the Wolds is by a combinadon of archaeological, 
landscape and geomorphological research. This type of approach has been widely applied to 
the chalk landscapes in the south of England and has revealed the potential of dry valley sites 
for archaeology in identifying land use change, finding buried sites and understanding the 
complex and unpredictable nature of colluvium (Bell 1983; Allen 1992; Wilkinson 2003) . 
The lack of study and understanding of landscape processes and the dry valleys on the 
Yorkshire Wolds has long been regarded as problematic by scholars from the earth sciences 
and from archaeology (Lewin 1969, 3; Foster 1985, 206; Hayfield and Wagner 1995, 49; 
Man by et al 2003, 1 1 3) . A geoarchaeological approach allows us to consider landscape 
evolution over a long duration and to link human activity and settlement with landscape 
morphology, without the impediment of a defined chronological focus. The formulation of 
a local environmental background gives a different focus and emphasis to archaeological 
data. 

Although the Yorkshire Wolds have been recognised archaeologically for over a hundred 
years it is noted that our understanding of this region is far from complete (Ottaway et al 
2003, 5) . This situation results, in part, from the application of period based archaeological 
studies and a focus on particular research interests. The situation is further exacerbated by 
current land use patterns, and their effect on archaeological visibility, resulting in uneven 
and unrepresentative knowledge of the archaeological evidence for the Yorkshire Wolds. 

The nature of the Yorkshire Wolds soil leads to good quality crop mark evidence and so 


2 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


aerial photography in this area has added significantly to the corpus of archaeological 
evidence (Stoertz 1997, 1). The intensification of cereal cultivation has led to twice yearly 
sowing and deep ploughing which has effectively revealed, and then destroyed, the buried 
archaeology on the Yorkshire Wolds ( ibid 6) . The latest aerial synthesis considered 35,000 
aerial photographs taken on the Yorkshire Wolds between 1950 and 1991 . The aim of the 
project was to map the buried archaeological features and to make a preliminary morpho- 
logical analysis of the features as a foundation for future research ( ibid 1 ) . Although this 
work has had a positive impact on our knowledge of the archaeology of this region aerial 
photography has a limited utility in dry valley locations due to sediment depths and land use 
practices, making it an unlikely source of new evidence for these areas specifically. 

DRY VALLEY RESEARCH OPPORTUNITIES 

A topographic field study of the geomorphology of the dry valleys in the Yorkshire Wolds 
was undertaken three decades ago (Lewin 1969) . Lewin found that the region had lacked 
study because features such as the dip-slope and valley morphology were very similar to 
those occurring in the south of England. Lewin found however that the escarpment and 
solution collapse features (for example those at nearby Raisthorpe) are unique, making 
analogy with other regions problematic ( ibid 1 7,56) . Examining the morphology of a valley 
can give an indication of past landscape processes, for example the five large meanders in 
the Great Wold Valley suggest very high water flow at some point in the past (Lewin 1969, 
51 ) . The valley floor gravels here are waterlain but the upper surface has been altered by 
cryoturbation probably during periglacial conditions (Foster 1989, 37) . 

An examination of a dry valley section at Fimber Nab found poorly sorted chalk gravel 
with loess, and some sherds of Roman greyware, but there were few secure dating opportu- 
nities (Buckland 2001 , 97) . It is suggested that throughout the Holocene little happened at 
Fimber Nab until a period of soil erosion ascribed to ‘the Roman period or later’ and 
possibly associated with extensive ploughing or a change in cropping behaviour ( ibid 98) . 
The valley bottoms may have become more agriculturally important after this period of 
erosion, with the slopes useless until post-medieval improvement took place ( ibid ) . 

STUDY AREA 

On the northern central Wolds, at approximately 200 metres above sea level, lies Cowlam 
Well Dale with the hamlet of Cowlam Manor at its head (Fig. 1 ) . Today Cowlam Manor 
consists of eight dwellings, including two farms, and the church of St Mary. Cowlam is 
known from early sources as Colume, Coleham or Kollum, and the name is thought to have 
a Scandinavian root, meaning ‘top of a hill’ or ‘at the hill tops’ but the Kollum spelling does 
not correlate well with the Domesday spelling of Colnun (Smith 1970, 126) . There is a single 
reference to Cowlam in the Domesday Book where it is given that Ketibjom and his brother 
have 6 carucates of taxable land, enough for three ploughs (Faull and Stinson 1986, 301b) . 
The village was recorded as having 14 households in 1672, reduced to ‘the parson and two 
shepherds’ by 1690 (Pevsner and Neave 1972,392) , at this time the area had six to eight 
hundred sheep and a rabbit warren of 1500 acres (Jennings 2000, 69) . Historic sources 
suggest village desertion between 1674 and 1680, based primarily on Hearth Tax Returns, 
but this can at least be pardy explained by amalgamations and expansions (Hayfield 1988, 
105) . In 1783 Cowlam Farm contained 1900 acres of land, with 1500 acres of rabbit warren, 


DRY VALLEY DEPOSITS 


3 



p SITE 

tCOWLAM WELL DALE 


COWLAM, YORKSHIRE 


Teeside 


miles 

kms 


SLEDMERE 


CARTON - ON 
- THE - WOLD 


WETWANG 


Drawn by H.Saul, 2005 


Fig. 1 Location plan 



4 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


200 acres of arable and die rest left as sheep walks (Harris 1958, 99) . Subdivision of the land 
and hedging took place between 1783 and 1 844, so that by 1 844 most of the warren had gone 
and all the hedged fields were under die plough ( ibid ) . 

Canon Greenwell excavated four square-barrows at Cowlam in c. 1877 (Stead 1979, 3) . 
Greenwell never recorded the location of his excavadons, nor an accurate plan of what he 
found, making the analysis of these sites problemadc. Kemp Howe barrow at Cowlam Larm 
was excavated during the later nineteenth century and found to contain six Anglo-Sandinavian 
burials without grave goods (Mortimer 1905, 336) . Cowlam Cross Barrow had a diameter of 
fifty feet and underneath the mound was a cruciform excavation into the chalk bedrock that 
was seven feet deep. This grave contained human and animal bone, potsherds and arrow- 
heads ( ibid 338) . In 1968 Brewster excavated diree round barrows at Cowlam but there are 
no publications related to this fieldwork (Manby 1988, 2) . In 1969 and 1972 six square 
barrows were excavated at Cowlam. They included four that had been previously excavated 
by Greenwell, during the nineteenth century, and they ranged from 7 to 14 metres across. 
They include an early La Tene grave group making Cowlam the site of the earliest square 
barrows discovered in Yorkshire (Stead 1979, 30) . 

A rescue excavation of the deserted medieval village at Cowlam, in advance of deep 
ploughing, was undertaken between 1971 and 1972 by Brewster. The results of this work 
were published by another author, and no measured location plan had originally been made 
(Hayfield 1988, 21 ) . Brewster identified the earthworks at Cowlam as a courtyard farm of a 
single period, based on analogy with other contemporary excavations, but a careful review 
of air photographs illustrated that there were, in fact, at least two separate farmsteads ( ibid 
103) . Although a number of buildings were excavated at Cowlam the chronological relation- 
ships and the structural model for the development of the village remains complex and 
unclear ( ibid 105) . 

Building analysis by the University of York Archaeology Department, during 2003, inves- 
tigated the parish church of St Mary, which was threatened with redundancy. The church 
was found to contain a substantial amount of twelfth century fabric in the north wall and the 
building morphology was suggestive of an incorporated earlier church. In 2004 the addi- 
tional discovery of a small fragment of medieval wall painting supported the conclusion that 
the church was not rebuilt in 1832 as previously thought, but was rather substantially altered 
at this time (Jane Grenville pers. comm.) . An Anglian occupation site was detected at the 
head of Cowlam Well Dale by geophysical survey and during 2003 was excavated by the 
Dept of Archaeology, University of York The excavation revealed a sunken floored building 
approximately 5 x 3.5 metres in size with associated Anglo-Scandinavian material culture 
(Hummler 2003) . 

THE PROJECT DESIGN 

The Wolds Research Project was established in 2002 with a general aim ‘the archaeologi- 
cal investigation of the complex interaction of human settlement and natural processes from 
the Iron Age to the present day’ (Roskams 2003) . A more focussed theme within the project 
is the understanding of landscape processes over time, including taphonomy and visibility, 
and the relationship of the landscape to setdement evidence, including issues such as aban- 
donment versus continuity. This research project was question, rather than hypothesis, led. 


DRY VALLEY DEPOSITS 


5 


The broad questions were; 

How do we think this landscape has evolved, and how has it been managed over time? 

What are the nature of the deposits in this dry valley, and how do those deposits near to 
areas of human settlement vary from those in the lower reaches? 

To what extent can we link the deposits to phases of human activity and trace chronologi- 
cal changes? 

What methods and techniques are best suited to studying dry valley deposits and what are 
the limitations? 

How do the deposits on the Wolds differ from those found and studied in the south of 
England? 



Fig. 2 Intervention areas in the valley 



6 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


In order to address these questions the project commenced with a consideration of the 
background literature and research, followed by a desk based analysis of the written history 
and archaeology of the defined study area. In the field the topography and morphology of 
the landscape was surveyed and recorded. The deposits were assessed by means of an auger 
survey and test pit excavations in three selected areas in the upper, mid and lower reaches of 
the valley (Lig.2) . Almost all the previous fieldwork in the area had aimed to elucidate 
specific time periods and had been directed at discrete ‘sites’. A central aim of this project 
was to consider all time periods, up to the current day, thinking about the multiple time 
scales that are represented by die different processes that we encountered and investigating 
‘off-site’ areas of the valley. A search of the Humber and East Yorkshire Sites and Monu- 
ments Record (SMR) found that within a 1 .6 km radius of Cowlam Manor there are forty- 
five entries. This includes four buildings and three findspots, with the remaining records 
pertaining to monuments including a beacon site, the deserted medieval village, two Roman 
roads, dykes and linear ditches and a ladder settlement. The evidence from the documentary 
sources and the SMR suggests that in the past Cowlam was populated more densely than it 
is today. 

A review of die ancient, geological and hydrogeological maps found that they were at such 
a large scale that their applicadon to a small, and well-defined, study area was limited. The 
soil survey data from field sheets revealed very shallow deposits along the roadside, and this 
is illustrative of the problem associated with mapping in which only the most accessible 
topographic units are sampled. The Nadonal Mapping Programme for the Yorkshire Wolds 
was consulted at the Aerial Survey Department, English Heritage, York and revealed the 
extent of cropmark evidence surrounding the valley. The abrupt cessadon of the features 
seen at the valley edge is more indicative of the edge of cropping than the edge of the feature 
(Yvonne Boutwood pers.comm.). Similarly the ‘absence’ of any activity in the valley bottom 
is usually a reflection of the method rather than absence, per se. 

DISCUSSION OF RESULTS; 

Landscape evolution 

The topographic survey enabled us to identify key landscape features which we then 
examined in more detail. Firsdy the disturbance from previous excavations could clearly be 
identified at the valley head and was avoided due to the likelihood of mixing and truncation. 
Two quarries were surveyed and the process of quarry cutting has created extensive soil 
thinning, erosion and landslips on a localised level. Although one quarry was mapped in 
1890 it is unclear how recent the quarrying episodes are and whether their purpose was for 
masonry, as seen in the farm buildings at Cowlam, or for more general hardcore and metalling 
purposes. The management and use of the trackway along the valley floor, which appeared 
to have been metalled, was a problem not envisaged at the outset of this research. The track 
is used regularly for heavy farm machinery and has been subject to episodes of clearance in 
modem times. When making an assessment of colluvial deposits recent interference is a 
complicating factor, with truncation a well recognised difficulty in assessing deposition 
(Bell 1983, 146). 

The water sources have been managed at Cowlam by the establishment of a well and by the 
placement, and maintenance of, ponds. During the survey we were able to measure the 


DRY VALLEY DEPOSITS 


7 


difference in height between the extant and redundant pond, and found that the current 
pond is approximately 50 metres lower than the redundant one mapped by the Ordnance 
Survey in 1890. The link between the current pond, the spring line and the redundancy of 
the pond, on higher ground, at the valley head corresponds to the falling groundwater levels 
in the chalk aquifer described by Downing et al 1993. 

The survey also revealed evidence for recent environmental change in the form of a water- 
cut gully in the woods on the eastern valley flank and an associated alluvial fan on the valley 
floor (Fig. 3) . This discovery correlated with the documentary sources from the nineteenth 
century for severe local flooding. The relatively regular floods of 1905, 1892 and 1888 
suggest that this type of event may have occurred regularly throughout the valleys past and 
could be responsible for scouring the valley floor of deposits, which would eventually be 
channelled towards Driffield. The fan, dating from a flood of 1905, has been named by local 
people ‘watterwash’, and evokes a folk memory, even for those born fifty years after the event 
(Diane Atkin pers.comm.) . This indicates the importance of landscape features in the lives 
of local people. Recent scientific evidence demonstrates a reduction in precipitation and 
recharge of the chalk in recent decades and an emphasis is being placed on local and histori- 



Fig. 3 Cowlam Well Dale looking north, with gravel fan to right of picture 




8 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


cal accounts of flooding to inform current aquifer management (Downing et al 1993, 272) . 
Underneath the fan was a 20 cm deep buried soil (Fig. 4) . This was distinctive in the field and 
was confirmed as an entity in the laboratory by the soil test results for ‘loss on ignition’. The 
depth of deposits above the buried soil is 80 cm and this gives an indication of the rate of 
deposition since the time of the flood. The units immediately above the buried soil exhibit 
sorting of the chalk inclusion size and may therefore represent a series of events of different 
intensity. Although not dated archaeologically this example reveals die creation and preser- 
vation of buried land surfaces on the valley floor in this area; this means that there is 
potential for the discovery of earlier soils. Buried soils are particularly important archaeo- 
logically, indicating periods of stability, and often containing evidence for landscape evolu- 
tion and past environmental conditions (French 2003, 41 ) . 

Characterising deposits 

The auger survey is a standard technique for the characterisation of deposits and is 
usually the most cost and resource effective way of characterising sediments over an exten- 
sive area. We were aware at the outset that the Dutch auger had limitations but as the 
research progressed we were surprised at the scale of the inaccuracy witnessed, the Dutch 
auger stopped when it met a lens of chalk gravel and it was not possible to say whether the 



Fig. 4 Buried soil in Test Pit B5 



DRY VALLEY DEPOSITS 


9 


auger had stopped at substantial basal chalk gravel or merely a gravel layer, unless a test pit 
was undertaken. 

The opportunity arose to compare the conventional Dutch auger with a German steel 
auger loaned by The British Geological Survey, this is a 1.5 metre long hollow chamber auger 
which is hammered in with a Teflon hammer, producing a continuous sediment profile and 
penetrating layers of chalk gravel. The Dutch auger survey implied negligible deposition on 
the valley floor in the lower reaches of the valley, however when the survey was repeated with 
the steel auger there was a substantial depth to the deposits here. In assessing and character- 
ising the deposits the auger survey was the most efficient method. The test pit excavations 
were important in revealing artefacts / ecofacts and in exposing stratigraphic sequences for 
sampling but were cosdy on time resources. In the future, therefore, more complete cover- 
age of the valley could be achieved with an accurate auger survey and then a more judicious 
approach to the use of test pits could be applied. 

The results from the auger survey and test pits at Cowlam Well Dale help us to understand 
the way in which the Wolds landscape has evolved, beginning with the formation of the 
valley itself by periglacial activity, the deposition of a blanket of loess which helped to 
improve soil quality, and the periglacial features which preceded the earliest cultural depos- 
its discovered. Loess, a windblown silt, was deposited in East Yorkshire during the first part 
of the Late Devensian glacial advance of 18,000 bp and the loess appears, mineralogically, to 
be derived from a glacial outwash deposit (Catt 1987, 9). Even thin layers of loess are 
indicative of improved soil quality in the past due to the benefits of enhanced soil hydration 
and aeration (Bell 1983, 147). The clarification of the distribution of loess has been de- 
scribed as an important research aim in itself (Catt 1978,19). A deposit of primary loess (this 
had not been reworked with other sediment) was found during the steel auger survey is 
evidence for glacial activity and soil development, and also provides a dating opportunity. 
The loess found could provide an absolute date but would be most promising if it were 
juxtaposed with a cultural deposit, but this did not appear to be the case from the auger 
survey. If the dating of the loess deposition on the Wolds became a research priority we now 
have a National Grid Reference for a primary deposit which could be investigated in the 
future. 

The characterisation of the deposits at Cowlam Well Dale was striking with deep orange 
loess- based soil encountered especially in the middle section of the valley. The top of the 
western valley slope had a thicker lobe of deposit (c.3 metres maximum) , associated with 
high plateaus of ploughing above and this formed a small lynchet The deposit is in-si tu at the 
top of the slope suggesting some degree of stability and this is important if we recognise that 
the colluvium found on a slope generally represents the minimum quantity derived from a 
higher point (Goudie 1994, 251 ) . Downslope from the lynchet deposit there was either a 
decrease in the depth of deposits encountered, or a continuation of depth formed by 
solifluction debris in lobes. 

The difference in the valley deposit depths from west to east (Fig 5) , with up to 3m 
sediment at top of slope on the western flank and as little as 4cm on the eastern flank, and the 
primary loess deposit are evidence for the aeolian loess deposition which we know occurred 
on sloping plateau surfaces on the \brkshire Wolds in a thin, continuous sheet (Catt 1978,19) . 
A substantial depth of solifluction debris was also encountered on the slopes to the west 


10 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 



Metres west to east (based on groundsurface measurements) 


Fig. 5 Sediment depths from initial auger survey, west to east 


reflecUng a similar situation to that mapped in Holywell Coombe, Kent (Preece 1992,177). 
Vegetation and tree cover ameliorates erosion and the placement of the wood on the eastern 
scarp is potentially indicative of past understanding of the need to prevent erosion on more 
unstable slopes, with thin soil. The placement of historic woodlands would make a useful 
line of inquiry for the future study of dry valleys, to see whether there is a correlation with 
different soil types, soil depths or valley orientation. 

Lessivation is the net movement of clay particles down through the profile and occurs in 
a brownearth where precipitation exceeds evaporation and transpiration (Evans and 
O’Connor 1999, 35) . This produces sols lessives, also known as argillic brownearths ( ibid ) . 
Examples of lessivaUon were seen in the two deepest test pits excavated during the field- 
work at depths of 92 and 1 70cm. It has been suggested that the onset of the process of 
lessivaUon can be equated with a loss of tree cover and leaf litter (Evans 1972, 277) . 

Environmental reconstruction 

The preservation of Mollusca on the Yorkshire Wolds is highly variable and this mecha- 
nism is poorly understood. At Cowlam despite sampling and suitable soil pH insufficient 
molluscs were found to warrant statistical analysis. Significant assemblages were recovered 
at Birdsall by Milbum in 1992, and the recently excavated ladder settlement feature at 
Wharram Crossroads also exhibited substantial preservation throughout the profile. Sols 
lessives are usually devoid of snail shells because they are decalcified during formation 
(Evans 1972, 217) . Frost shattered solifluction debris is also known to be devoid of shells 
( ibid 289). At Cowlam two sols lessives were encountered and solifluction gravels were 
common, so this accounts for the paucity of shells in some of the sedimentary units. A total 


DRY VALLEY DEPOSITS 


1 1 


of 74 land snails were recovered and all the species represented here have a wide distribu- 
tion across England however two species, Discus rotundatus and Zomtoides nitidus, are not 
in the current distribution list for this area. Of the species recovered at Cowlam only one, 
Helicella itala, has an open country preference the others preferring sheltered sites, wood- 
land or being catholic in their preferences (with no specific requirement) . 

In the south of England highly siliceous mineral material often gives rise to decalcified 
‘chalk heath’ sediment over chalk parent material but on the Yorkshire Wolds the hard and 
brittle nature of the chalk itself can also give rise to non-calcareous soils and these sediments 
do not preserve shell (Evans 1972, 24) . The discovery of mixed, diffuse bone is indicative of 
manuring in this landscape and the lack of concentration in specific areas would indicate 
that the assemblage recovered is the result of overburden erosion and colluviation from the 
arable land at the top of the slope. 

Theoretical approach 

In addition to evaluating the archaeology and landscape processes at Cowlam Well Dale 
this study is situated within the wider context of the past perception of land use, in what is 
today, a sparsely populated area. The issue of past and current perception can be examined 
by considering archaeological theoretical perspectives and the change in social theory that 
now regards human activity and landscape development in a dynamic, and mutually contin- 
gent, relationship (Thomas 2001,166). Environmental determinism and marginality are fre- 
quendy invoked in the Yorkshire Wolds as an explanation of the archaeological evidence 
(Manby 1977, 67; Dent 1998, 8). This usually refers to thin soils and a lack of surface water 
and results in the ascription of ‘setdement corridors’ that run along spring lines or seasonal 
river valleys (Hayfield and Wagner 1995, 51) . Chris Fenton Thomas (2003) has suggested 
that archaeologists have difficulty in perceiving the Yorkshire Wolds as a settled and lived 
landscape due to current land use and the current emphasis that society places on commod- 
ity. This appears to be a convincing explanation for some of the deterministic interpreta- 
tions and explanations that have been expressed. 

Although not situated in a traditional ‘setdement corridor’ the evidence from Cowlam 
indicates that the valley had thick fertile soils in the past and also a spring, ponds and a well, 
with a long history of archaeological evidence for continued setdement. Marginality is a 
culturally determined concept that arises from human perceptions, both in the past and 
today (Young and Simmonds 1995,12) . An awareness of such perceptions, in the context of 
wider social theory, is therefore central to the scientific analysis of dry valley sequences 
within an archaeological framework. Environmental archaeology can contribute towards a 
phenomenological approach by emphasising that past landscapes are often significantiy 
different from those encountered today within the same physical space (Wilkinson 2003, 
265). 

Applicability of methods 

The Yorkshire Wolds are different from the south of England in terms of geology, dry 
valley axes and features, archaeology and the availability of surface water making compari- 
sons between the regions problematic. The deep colluvial deposits seen in valley bottoms in 
the south of England were not evident at Cowlam, although there were thickened deposits 


12 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


near to the track this was complicated by truncation and the management of the nack itself 
The recovery of significant mollusc assemblages was not possible and nor was the discovery 
of a range of highly stratified and dateable artefacts. 

As Wilkinson (2003, 750) has demonstrated dry valley deposits are highly variable 
even within a single valley system, and this is notoriously difficult to predict with any accu- 
racy (Allen 1992) . Regional model building for the dry valleys in the south of England failed 
due to local cultural and environmental factors which affect the synchronicity of dry valley 
sequences (Wilkinson and Stevens 2003, 77) this bears out Foucaults opinion that things 
generally turn out differently in different places (Philo 2000, 209) . The research at Cowlam 
Well Dale is therefore reflective of this valley specifically and would need to be compared to 
further research before any limited generalisations or comparisons could be made. 

CONCLUSION 

This project aimed to complement the long tradition of site-based archaeology on the 
Yorkshire Wolds by considering the potential geoarchaeological evidence from the dry 
valley deposits which have not, with one exception (Buckland 2001) , been studied previ- 
ously. The literature review revealed that there was a significant lack of geomorphological 
and environmental background to the archaeology of the Yorkshire Wolds and also high- 
lighted the substantial benefits of dry valley research from other areas of England. 

The results of the fieldwork at Cowlam Well Dale demonstrate widespread evidence for 
erosion caused by human activity and natural processes working in concert. The features 
considered include periglacial features, gully formation, faunal disturbance, agriculture and 
the management of woods, ponds and tracks. The deposits were successfully characterised 
in three reaches and revealed episodes of erosion, buried land surfaces and elucidated the 
nature of soil formation and distribution in this locality. The lack of dating evidence is a key 
issue both for this project and for future research. The limitations of artefact dating have 
been well rehearsed (Bell 1983; Allen 1992) but even this approach, with its limitations, has 
not been possible at Cowlam Well Dale or Fimber Nab due to the small number of clearly 
reworked ceramics found. Mollusc preservation was poor limiting the opportunities for 
environmental reconstruction and the variable nature of mollusc preservation is something 
that warrants further investigation. 

The findings from Cowlam Well Dale were important in informing current perceptions of 
environmental and social marginality; the documentary and archaeological evidence all 
points to a landscape that was setded and productive, with a reasonable degree of continuity, 
several water sources and a relatively deep fertile soil. 

Geoarchaeology places archaeological sites within a multidimensional framework, incor- 
porating spatial, temporal, cultural and noil-cultural elements and places a high emphasis on 
site formation processes. Implicit in this approach is that the archaeology has often been 
subject to the same processes as the rest of the landscape (Waters 1992, 92). A 
geoarchaeological analysis of topography and sediment characterisation can therefore be 
used in the future to contextualise specific archaeological problems on the Yorkshire Wolds; 
for example the relationship of Iron Age settlement to cemeteries and agricultural land, the 
insertion of villa systems in a ‘dry’ landscape and the episodes of intensive and then con- 
tracted agriculture during the early medieval period (Roskams 2003) . 


DRY VALLEY DEPOSITS 


13 


The potential of dry valley research has been glimpsed during this project but needs to be 
developed further by considering other valleys, preferably without currendy used and man- 
aged track ways, that are close to traditional archaeological ‘sites’ and can allow a compara- 
tive characterisation of deposits and features. The methodological advance of using a con- 
tinental steel auger on chalk and gravel deposits means that, in the future, more confidence 
can be placed on the characterisation of deposits and terrain modelling. 

The project at Cowlam Well Dale has elucidated some of the processes and activities that 
have altered this landscape over time. The key findings were the discovery of a range of 
erosional and depositional events with natural and anthropogenic causes and evidence for 
better soil quality and cover in the past. This research has, above all, emphasised the impor- 
tance of taking an ‘off-site’ approach to the study of archaeology. 

Acknowledgements 

I would like to thank the Arts and Humanities Research Council for their financial sup- 
port and Diane Atkin, tenant farmer, for access and advice. The work would not have been 
possible without the help of my supervisor, Kevin Walsh, and the hard work of the fieldwork 
volunteers, especially Andrewjamieson andjamie Andrews. I am indebted to Holger Kessler 
of The British Geological Survey for the loan of equipment, Hayley Saul for the drawings 
and Yvonne Boutwood of The Aerial Survey Team, English Heritage. 

I can be contacted by email c.n 1 23@york.ac.uk 


Bibliographic References 

Allen, MJ. 1992 ‘Products of erosion and the prehistoric land-use of the Wessex chalk’ in 
M.Bell and J.Boardman (eds) Past and Present Soil Erosion, Oxford: Oxbow, 37-52 

Bell,M. 1983 ‘Valley Sediments as Evidence of Prehistoric Land-use on the South Downs’ 
Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 49, 119-150 

Buckland,PC. 2001 ‘Fimber’in MD. Bateman PC Buckland and CD. Frederick (eds) The 
Quaternary of East Yorkshire and North Lincolnshire Field Guide, London: QRA 

CattJA. 1978 ‘The contribution of loess to soils in lowland Britain’ in S. Limbrey and 
JG. Evans (eds) The Effects of Man on the Landscape; the Lowland Zone CBA Research 
Report 21, London: CBA, 12-19 

CattJ. 1987 ‘The Quaternary of East Yorkshire and adjacent areas’ in S. Ellis (ed) East 
Yorkshire Field Guide, Cambridge: QRA, 1-14 

DentJ. 1998 ‘The Yorkshire W olds in late prehistory and the emergence of an Iron Age 
society’ in P.Halkon (ed) Further Light on theParisi, Hull: ERAS, 4-11 

Downing, RA. Price, M. andJones,G.P. 1993 ‘The making of an aquifer’ in RA.Downing, 
M. Price and G.P.Jones (eds) The Hydrogeology of the Chalk of North-Western Europe, 
Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1-13 

Evans, JG. 1972 Land Snails in Archaeology, London: Seminar Press 


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EvansJG. and O’Connor, TP. 1999 Environmental Archaeology Principles and Methods, 
Stroud : Sutton 

Faull,M. and Stinson, C. (eds) 1986 Domesday Book Yorkshire Part One (Facsimile) , Chich- 
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Fenton Thomas, C. 2003 Late Prehistoric and Early Historic Land-Use on the Yorkshire 
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Foster, SW. 1985 ‘The Late Glacial and Early Postglacial History of the Vale of Pickering and 
the Northern Yorkshire Wolds’, Unpublished PhD thesis University of Hull 

Foster, SW. 1987 ‘The Dry Drainage System on die Northern Yorkshire Wolds’ in S. Ellis (ed) 
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French, C. 2003 Geoarchaeology in Action, London: Routledge 

Goudie,A. 1994 Geomorphological techniques, London: Routledge 

Harris, A. 1958 ‘The lost villages and landscapes of the Yorkshire Wolds’ Agricultural His- 
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Hayfield,C. 1988 ‘Cowlam deserted village; a case study of post-medieval village deserUon’ 
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Hayfield,C. and Wagner, P 1995 ‘From dolines to dewponds; a study of water supplies on the 
Yorkshire Wolds’ Landscape History 17, 49-64 

Jennings, B. 2000 ‘A longer view of the Wolds’ in J.Thirsk (ed) The English Rural Landscape, 
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LewinJ. 1969 The Yorkshire Wolds; a study in geomorphology, Hull: University of Hull Occ. 
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Manby TG. 1977 ‘The Yorkshire Wolds Field Monuments and Arable Farming’ Unpub- 
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Manby, TG. 1988 ‘Appreciation’ in TG. Manby (ed) Archaeology in East Yorkshire- essays in 
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Manby,TG.King,A. and Vyner,B. 2003 ‘The Neolithic and Bronze Age; a Ume of early agri- 
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Yorkshire Archaeological Society, 35-113 

Milburn,P. 1992 ‘A study of the spadal distribudon of mollusc an fauna related to changes in 
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published MSc Dissertation, Dept of Archaeology and Prehistory, University of Sheffield 

Mortimer, JR. 1905 Forty years researches in British and Saxon Burial Mounds in East 
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Ottaway,P. Moorhouse,S. and Manby, TG. 2003 ‘Introduction’ in TG.Manby, S.Moorhouse 
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15 


Pevsner, N. andNeave,D. 1972 Yorkshire; York and the East Riding, London: Penguin 

Philo, C. 2000 ‘Foucaults Geography’ in M.Crang and N. Thrift (eds) Thinking Space Lon- 
don: Routledge, 205 

Preece,R. 1992 ‘Episodes of Erosion and Stability since the Late-Glacial: The evidence 
from dry valleys in Kent’ in M.Bell and J.Boardman (eds) Past and Present Soil Erosion, 
Oxford: Oxbow, 175-183 

Roskams,SP 2003 ‘The Wolds Research Project’ www.york.ac.uk/ arch/wolds/intro con- 
sulted Oct 2003 

Smith, PH. 1970 The Placenames of the East Riding of York and Yorkshire, Cambridge: 
CUP 

Stead, I. 1979 The Arras Culture, York: The Yorkshire Philosophical Society 

Stoertz,C. 1997 Ancient Landscapes on the Yorkshire Wolds, Swindon: RCHME 

Thomas ,J. 2001 ‘The Archaeology of Place and Landscape’ in I.Hodder (ed) Archaeological 
Theory Today, Cambridge: Polity Press, 165-186 

Waters, MR. 1992 Principles of Geoarchaeology, Tucson: University of Arizona Press 

Wilkinson, K 2003 ‘Colluvial Deposits in the Dry Valleys of the South East as Proxy Indica- 
tors of Palaeoenvironmental and Land-use Change’ Geoarchaeology 18/7, 725-755 

Wilkinson, K. and Stevens, C. 2003 Environmental Archaeology, Approaches, Techniques 
and Application, Stroud: Tempus 

Young, R. and Simmonds,T. 1995 ‘Marginality and the nature of later prehistoric upland 
setdementin the North of England’ Landscape History 17, 5-16 




















































BALBY CARR 


17 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL EXCAVATION OF A 
BRICKWORK PLAN FIELD SYSTEM AT CATESBY 
BUSINESS PARK, BALBY CARR, DONCASTER, SOUTH 

YORKSHIRE, 2002 

By Laurence Jones with major contributions by Rowena Gale, James Greig, David Smith 
and Emma Tedow and other contributions by Lynne Bevan, Annette Hancocks and 

Emma Hancox 

A sequence of ditched rectilinear field enclosures and ditched droveways was excavated 
at Catesby Business Park, Balby Carr, Doncaster, South Yorkshire, in advance of a retail 
development. Two phases of ditch construction were identified. The field enclosures were 
part of a complex of ‘ brickwork plan ’ field systems similar to those previously identified, to 
the south of the site, by aerial photography. 

An unfinished Neolithic flint arrowhead was recovered, redeposited within the recut of 
one of the ditches. No pottery and very little bone was recovered from the enclosures and 
droveway ditches, during the excavation. Radiocarbon dating of waterlogged wood recov- 
ered from the ditch fills indicates the site dates from the mid to late Iron Age to the early 
Romano-British period. 

The environmental evidence from the site suggests that the fields m.ay have been used as 
pasture, with no evidence for the cultivation of crops on the low-lying waterlogged site itself. 
However, crops may have been cultivated locally on better drained drier areas of land. The 
surrounding landscape was probably mainly cleared of woodland with fields and copses of 
managed woodland. 

INTRODUCTION 

In July and August 2002 Birmingham University Field Archaeology Unit (BUFAU, now 
Birmingham Archaeology) carried out an archaeological excavation of land at Catesby Busi- 
ness Park, Balby Carr, Doncaster, South Yorkshire (Fig. 1 , hereafter referred to as the site) . 
The work was commissioned by B 8c Q PLC, in advance of the development of the site, 
comprising of the construction of a new retail store and associated access roads. The exca- 
vation was recommended as a condition of planning consent, by South Yorkshire Archaeol- 
ogy Service (SYAS) , archaeological advisors to Doncaster MBC. 

The underlying geology of the site is drift deposits consisting of alluvial clay. Below these 
are solid deposits comprising the Bun ter Sandstone of the Permo-Triassic (British Geologi- 
cal Survey, 1 :50,000 map sheet 88) . Under these are Carboniferous rocks, including produc- 
tive Coal Measures. 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL BACKGROUND 

An archaeological desk-based assessment of the site was carried out by BUFAU (Watt 2002) 
and this included the results of an aerial photographic study (Cox 2002 ). The findings of the 
assessment were that although no finds or features of archaeological interest were known 


18 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 



Fig.l: Location plans 


BALBY CARR 


19 


within the site itself, a high concentration of occupation sites dating to the late Iron Age and 
Roman o-British periods, visible on aerial photographs as crop marks, exist near to (he site. 
These crop marked sites include enclosures and extensive ‘brickwork’ pattern field systems 
first recognised by the late Derrick Riley (Riley 1980) . The ‘brickwork’ pattern field systems 
are present throughout the landscape across much of South Yorkshire and North Notting- 
hamshire. Finds of Roman o-British artefacts have also been recorded close to the site. An 
undated soil-mark was visible, on an aerial photograph, in a field immediately to the east of 
the site. This soil-mark may be interpreted as either part of a ditched enclosure, a drainage 
feature or boundary feature. Given this concentration of sites nearby, the proximity of the 
Roman town of Danum and the presence of Romano-British pottery kiln sites in the sur- 
rounding area, the nearest being at Rossington, 4km to the southeast of Balby Carr, it was 
thought that there was potential for the existence of significant archaeological features 

within the site. 

Subsequent geophysical survey (GSB 2002) revealed no clearly defined anomalies sugges- 
tive of buried archaeological remains, although a few pit-like anomalies were noted, which 
could possibly be of archaeological origin. 

Following on from this work an archaeological evaluation was recommended by S\AS, on 
behalf of Doncaster MBC. The results of the evaluation (Jones 2002a) , which involved the 
excavation of 18 trial-trenches, revealed that several possible field boundary ditches, or 
perhaps enclosure ditches, not detected by geophysical survey or visible as crop-marks, 
existed within the site. These possible field boundary ditches appeared to be concentrated 
in the southern part of the site. In the other parts of the site the trenches proved to be either 
archaeologically sterile or contained drainage and/ or boundary features of probable post- 
medieval date. There was little dating evidence, but one ditch contained a fragment of 
waterlogged wood, from which a radiocarbon date was obtained. The radiocarbon date 
suggested this ditch was of Iron Age or Romano-British date. It was thought that some or all 
of the other possible field boundary or enclosure ditches could be a continuation of the 
network of Iron Age or Romano-British field boundary ditches and enclosures, present to 
the north and south of the site, highlighted in the desk-based assessment, and/ or a continu- 
ation of the undated soil mark feature visible on aerial photographs to the east of the site. 

It was concluded that the site is of local and regional archaeological importance and, as 
such, an archaeological mitigation strategy, by a scheme of archaeological excavation and 
recording in the southern part of the site was recommended by SYAS, on behalf of Doncaster 
MBC. 

EXCAVATION METHODOLOGY 

A Project Design (BUFAU 2002) was agreed with SYAS detailing the excavation method- 
ology. An area of c 3 ha (Fig. 1 ) was machine-stripped under archaeological supervision in 
line with a project design agreed with SYAS. A program of manual cleaning and sample 
excavation was then undertaken. 

Archaeological features were assigned consecutive numbers from FI onwards and con- 
texts were numbered from 1010 onwards during the excavation. Where more than one 
section was excavated through a feature it was assigned a construct number: LD (linear 


20 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


ditch, greater than 0.50m wide), CD (curvilinear ditch, greater than 0.50m wide) or CG 
(curvilinear gully, less than 0.50m wide) . 

A representative sample of datable archaeological features was selected for the collection 
of 20 litre soil samples for the recovery of archaeobotanical material (pollen and plant 
macrofossils) and micro-fauna. Suitable samples were taken for scientific dating. 

Following the completion of the excavation a post-excavation assessment of the potential 
of the structural data, the artefactual and environmental material for further study was 
carried out and an updated project design was produced (Jones 2002b) . 


EXCAVATION RESULTS (Fig. 2) 

It proved difficult to assign every feature to a precise phase due to the lack of finds, the few 
stratigraphic relationships between features and the relatively wide chronological range of 
radiocarbon dates. However, an attempt has been made to assign features to phases on the 
basis of radiocarbon dates, the few observed sUatigraphic relationships and the physical 
relationships between features. 

The underlying natural subsoil was mainly yellow alluvial clay (1012) . Tree boles and tree 
root holes, containing peaty soils, disturbed the surface of the natural subsoil. A series of 
archaeological features cut the natural 1012, forming a rectilinear pattern overall. 

PHASE 1- MID TO LATE IRON AGE TO EARLYROMANO- BRITISH (Fig. 3) 

The most northerly feature was an east-west aligned linear ditch (LD 1 , Figs. 4 and 5) 
which extended beyond the edges of the excavation. Ditch LD 1 was 0.95-1. 70m wide and 
0.42-0.65m deep and its profile varied significandy, but was generally either steep sided with 
a narrow slighdy rounded base or steep sided with a dat base (Fig. 6, F71 and F98) . Generally 
the fill of the ditch was a greyish silty clay with some waterlogged organic inclusions. 

Parallel to LD 1, to the south, was another linear ditch (LD 2), was 0.70-1. 70m wide and 
0.32-0.76m deep, with steep sides and a dat base (Fig. 6; FI , FI 701 and FI 804) . The dll of this 
ditch varied, but was generally a greyish silty clay with some waterlogged organic inclusions. 
A fragment of waterlogged wood (alder or birch) , with a humanly made cut at one end, was 
recovered from the fill of ditch LD 2, during the evaluation dial-trenching. A calibrated 
radiocarbon date of 400BC-350AD (Wk 10973; 1999 + 123 BP) was obtained from the 
waterlogged wood. 

A short curvilinear ditch (CD 2; Fig. 6, F47 and F48, Fig. 7a) was located between ditches 
LD 1 and 2. Ditch CD 2 was 8.50m x 0.50-0. 72m wide and 0.1 2-0. 22m deep, and was filled 
with greyish brown silty clay. 

PHASE 2- LATE IRON AGE TO EARLYROMANO- BRITISH (Fig. 3) 

The primary cut of linear ditch LD 1 was cut by a curvilinear ditch (CD 1 ; Fig. 6, F65 and 
F56, Fig. 8) , extending beyond the edge of excavations. Ditch CD 1 was 1.50-1. 80m wide 
and 0.70-0.90m deep with steep sides and a slightly rounded base. Its primary fill was a grey 
clay, which was sealed by a peat-rich fill containing waterlogged organic material including 


BALBY CARR 


21 



Fig. 2: Site plan 


22 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 



Fig. 3: Phase plans (Phases 1 and 2) 


BALBY CARR 


23 


some large fragments of wood. A fragment of waterlogged wood (alder) , was recovered from 
the fill at the base of ditch and a calibrated AMS radiocarbon date of 50BC- AD 130 (Wk 
12978; 1968 + 43 BP) was obtained from it. Another fragment of waterlogged wood recov- 
ered from the top of the ditch gave a calibrated AMS radiocarbon date of 100BC- AD 130 
(Wk 12979; 1989 ±43 BP). 

There was evidence of a recut of the ditch LX) 1, 0.50-2. 20m wide and 0.30-0. 62m deep 
(Fig. 6; F70 and F91 and Fig. 5) , in most of the excavated sections, often containing a peat- 
rich fill which was dark brown or black and was rich in waterlogged organic material. This 
recut appeared to terminate to the east of ditch CD 1 and may have formed the north ditch 
of a rectilinear ditched enclosure (EN 1 ) . The EN 1 enclosure ditch was 0.40-1 .24m wide 
and 0.25-0. 50m deep, with steep sides and a rounded base (Fig. 6, F46 and FI 802). It was 
filled mainly with a grey silty clay, but in a few places the fill was a dark brown or black, peat- 
like context which was rich in waterlogged organic material. There was evidence of a recut 
of the ditch (Fig. 6, FI 801 ) , which usually contained a dark brown or black peat-rich fill 
which was rich in waterlogged organic material. The west side of EN 1 may have been 
formed by ditch CD 1 . The EN 1 enclosure ditch terminated at the northeast corner of the 
enclosure, forming an entrance. The earlier short curvilinear ditch CD 2 was cut by the 
eastern ditch of enclosure EN 1 (Fig. 6, F46 and Fig 7a) . 

As with LD 1 to the north, evidence of the recutting of the ditch LD 2 was recorded in 
many places (Fig. 6, FI 700 and FI 803) . To the west the recut ditch deviated from the course 
of the primary ditch, where it curved to the northwest. The ditch recut was 0.70-1 .40m wide 



Fig. 4: Linear ditch LD 1 under excavation with regularly spaced post-medieval drainage 
ditches visible, looking south 


24 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


Fig. 5: Linear ditch LD 1 
showing recut, west facing 
section 


and 0.30-0. 62m deep and often con- 
tained a dark brown or black peat-rich 
fill. It was rich in waterlogged organic 
material and contained an unfinished 
Neolithic flint arrowhead. This recut 
was orientated parallel with the south- 
ern ditch of enclosure EN 1 to the 
north, possibly forming a double- 
ditched trackway or droveway (Fig. 9) . 
Part of the recut of ditch LD 2 also 
formed the north ditch of a rectilinear 
ditched enclosure (EN 2). The east 
ditch of EN 2 terminated at the north- 
east comer of the enclosure, forming a 
narrow entrance. The east and west 
ditches of enclosure EN 2 (Fig. 6, FI 4 
and F41) were 0.70-1. 20m wide and 
0.30-0. 58m deep with a profile that was either ‘U’-shaped or steep sided with a narrow 
slightly rounded base. These ditches were filled with a grey silty clay and, in some sections, 
a dark brown or black peat-rich fill which contained waterlogged organic material. Any 
putative south ditch of EN 2 may be located beyond the edge of excavation. 

A linear ditch (LD 3; Fig. 6, F21 ) was located at right angles to, and terminated close to the 
west side of enclosure EN 2, possibly forming further enclosures beyond the area of excava- 
tion. Ditch LD 3 was 0.75-1. 14m wide and 0.36-0. 48m deep, with steep sides and a flat or 
slightly rounded base. It was filled with a grey silty clay and in some sections a peat-rich fill 
which was dark brown or black and contained waterlogged organic material. 

To the west of ditch CD 1 , and possibly associated with it, was a short stretch of north- 
south orientated ditch (LD 4) , at least 10m long x 0.60m wide and 0.60m deep. It contained 
a peat-rich fill which was not fully excavated as it partly lay beyond the west edge of excava- 
tions. 

PHASE 3- LATE IRON AGE TO POST- MEDIEVAL (not illustrated) 

The nature of the fills of these features, which cut Phase 2 features, was similar to the fills 
of those features described above and this suggests that they could also date to the late Iron 
Age Age or Roman o-British period, although they could be of later date. A Curvilinear gully 



BALBY CARR 


25 


(CG 1; Fig 6, F49, F51 and Fig. 7a) 4.0m x 0.40-0.50m wide and 0.1 0-0. 20m deep, which was 
filled with greyish brown silty clay, cut earlier Phase 1 and 2 ditches CD 2 and EN 1 . 

Phase 2 enclosure ditch EN 1 was cut by a large pit (F37, Figs. 6 and 7b) , extending beyond 
the west edge of excavation. Pit F37 was 3.10m x at least 1.90m and approximately 0.90m 
deep, the base and lower sides of the pit were disturbed by tree roots and it was not fully 
excavated for safety reasons. It contained three silty fills, all rich in waterlogged roots and 
wood. 

PHASE 4- POST- MEDIEVAL (not illustrated) 

The natural subsoil at the extreme south part of the site was overlain by a layer of dark 
brown silty clay (1011) containing sherds of late 18 th or 19 th century pottery. The presence of 
this layer may possibly be associated with the construction of the adjacent Division Drain 
during the post-medieval period. 

Post-medieval drainage features (Fig. 4) were present in the form of similarly aligned 
regularly spaced linear ditches on mainly northeast-southwest alignments. These drainage 
features cut the Phase 1 and 2 features described above and layer 1011. Several of these 
drainage features were sample excavated during the evaluation, and were found to have 
mainly vertical sides, with generally flat bases and had identical peaty loam fills. 

Layer 1011 and natural subsoil 1012 were sealed by dark brown sandy clay topsoil ( 1010) , 
0.1 5-0. 35m deep. 

UNPIiASED 

South of the Phase 1 ditch LD 2 was a sub-circular pit (FI 1 7, Figs. 6 and 7c) , 1 .40m x 1 .56m 
and 0.52m deep, with steep sides and a slightly rounded base. It was filled with a primary 
deposit of silty grey clay and a final fill of black sandy silt. The nature of the fills of this 
feature, which was similar to the fills of the Phase 1-3 features, suggests that it may date to the 
Iron Age or Romano-British period. 


THE FINDS 

FLINT 
Lynne Be van 

An unfinished pre-form for a leaf-shaped arrowhead of Neolithic date, with extensive 
pressure flaking on the ventral surface, was recovered from the recut of ditch LD 2 (F9, 
1025) . The raw material used is a good quality translucent light brown flint. 

POTTERY 
Annette Hancocks 

The pottery assemblage consisted eleven sherds (45g) of post-medieval pottery, recovered 
from layer 101 1, modern plough furrows or from tree boles. Diagnostic pieces were rare, 
although blue and white transfer printed wares and a large fragment of manganese ware were 
recognised. These were dated to the late 18 th or 19 th century. 


26 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


EN1 






S 

7T 

4.28m 


EN1 

S F1801 N 

7V 
1.17m 


18010 

FI 802 



s F51 N_ 


CGI 


N 

7V 


F47 S 



CD2 




EN1 


SW 


CD1 


NE 


NW 


CD1 



0 


1m 


SE 

7T 

4.03m 



Fig.6: Sections 


BALBY CARR 


27 



Fig. 7 a: Plan of gully CGI , ditch CD2 and enclosure ditch EN 1 , b: Plan of pit F37, 
c: Plan of pit FI 17 


28 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 




Fig. 9 Possible droveway between EN1 and LD 2, looking east 




BALBY CARR 


29 


ANIMAL BONE 
Emma Hancox 

Context 1099 (F64, LD 1 ) contained poorly preserved fragments of animal bone: a prob- 
able long bone andjaw bone, although these were not identifiable to species. A few uniden- 
tifiable fragments of animal bone were also recovered from the post-medieval drainage 
features. 


THE ENVIRONMENTAL EVIDENCE 

RADIOCARBON DATING 
Laurence Jones 

Samples were taken from three ditch fills and submitted to the University of Waikato 
Radiocarbon Dating Laboratory for radiocarbon dating. The results are shown in Table 1 . 


context/ 

feature/ 

construct 

lab code 

material 

conventional age 

l sigma cal. 

(68.2 % probability) 

2 sigma cal. 

(95.4 % probability) 

17004 

F1700 

LD2 

Wk- 10973 

wood 
(Be tula/ 
Alnus) 

1999± 123 B.P. 

180 BC - 140 AD 

400 BC - 350 AD 

1 100 

F65 (top) 
CD 1 

Wk-12979 

wood 

fragment 

1989±43 B.P. 

50 BC - 70 AD 

100 BC - 130 AD 

1101 

F65 (base) 
CD 1 

Wk- 12978 

wood 

(Alnus) 

1968±43 B.P. 

40 BC - 30 BC (3.1%) 

20 BC - 10 BC (4.6%) 

01 AD - 80 AD (60.5%) 

50 BC - 130 AD 


Table 1: Radiocarbon dating results 


WATERLOGGED WOOD 
Rowena Gale 
Introduction 

This report presents the identification of wood samples recovered from fills of ditches 
LD1, LD2, LD3 and CD1, and pit F37. The samples were assessed for their potential to 
provide suitable material for Cl 4 dating. The samples contained roundwood. Preservation 
varied from fairly firm to very degraded; some samples retained bark. 

Results 

The taxa identified are presented in Table 2, which also records the diameters and ages of 
the stems. Classification follows that of Flora Europaea (Tutin, Heywood et al 1964-80) . 
Group names are given when anatomical differences between related genera are too slight to 
allow secure identification to genus level. These include members of the Pomoideae 
( Crataegus, Malus, Pyrus and Sorbus) and Salicaceae ( Salix and Populus ) . Where a genus is 
represented by a single species in the British flora this is named as the most likely origin of 


30 YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


Context 

Feature 

Construct 

Taxon 

identified 

Round-wood 

No. of 

growth rings 

Diameter 

(mm) 

Comments 

1014 

Fl 

l 

LD2 

alder (Alnus glutinosa) 

Yes 

2 

8 

Bark absent 

alder (Alnus glutinosa) 

Yes 

4 

15 

Bark absent 

alder (Alnus glutinosa ) 

Yes 

5 

25 

Bark retained. 

Oblique tool-mark 

alder (Alnus glutmosa) 

Yes 

- 

- 

Fragment 

alder (Alnus glutinosa) 

Yes 

- 

- 

Fragment 

alder (Alnus glutinosa) 

Yes 

- 

- 

Fragment 

alder (Alnus glutinosa ) 

Yes 

- 

25 

Very degraded 

alder (Alnus glutinosa) 

Yes 

5 

20 

Bark retained. 

Tool-mark at one end 

alder (Alnus glutinosa) 

Yes 

3 

8 

A collection of narrow 
and rather degraded 
roundwood 

Yes 

4 

8 

Yes 

6 

10 

Yes 

7 

15 

Yes 

6 

12 

hazel (Corylus avellana) 

Yes 

4 

12 

- 

1039 

F2 

2 

LD3 

willow (Salix sp.) or 
poplar ( Populus sp.) 

Yes 

c.16 

25 

Oblique tool-marks 
at each end 

1 102 

F6 

6 

CDl 

alder (Alnus glutinosa) 

Yes 

10 

15 

Bark retained. 

Yes 

6 

20 

Very degraded 

Yes 

9 

20 

- 

Yes 

7 

21 

Early growth rings 
wide 

Yes 

8 

21 

Early growth rings 
wide 

Yes 

5 

22 

- 

Yes 

5 

25 

Early growth rings 
wide 

Yes 

10 

50 

Bark retained. Early 
growth rings wide 

1057 

F3 

7 

Pit 

cf. hawthorn/ Sorbus 
group (Pomoideae) 

Yes 

— 

60 

Very degraded. 

Outer surface abraded 

1069 

F4 

5 

LD2 

cf. hawthorn/ Sorbus 
group (Pomoideae) 

Yes 

c.\6 

35 

Very degraded 

1 128 

F 8 

3 

LDl 

alder (Alnus glutinosa) 

p 

— 

— 

Two very degraded 
fragments 

1130 

00 

LD2 

alder (Alnus glutinosa) 

Yes 


c. 30 

Bark retained but in 
poor condition. Oblique 
tool mark at upper end. 


Table 2: Identified waterlogged wood 


BALBY CARR 


31 


the wood, given the provenance and period, but it should be noted that it is rarely possible to 
name individual species from wood features, and exotic species of trees and shrubs were 
introduced to Britain from an early period (Godwin 1956; Mitchell 1974) . The anatomical 
structure of the charcoal was consistent with the following taxa or groups of taxa: 

Betulaceae. Alnus glutinosa (L.) Gaertner, European alder 

Corylaceae. Corylus avellana L., hazel 

Rosaceae. Subfamily Pomoideae, which includes Crataegus sp., hawthorn; Malus sp., 
apple; Pyrus sp., pear; Sorbus spp., rowan, service tree and whitebeam. These taxa are 
anatomically similar; one or more taxa may be represented in the charcoal. 

Salicaceae. Salix sp., willow, and Populus sp., poplar. In most respects these taxa are 
anatomically similar, although in this instance the heterocellular ray cells suggest willow as 
the more likely. 

Ditch LD 1 

A sample was examined from context 1128 (F83, LD 1 ) . The sample included two very 
degraded pieces of alder (Alnus glutinosa ) . 

Ditch LD 2 

Samples were examined from FI 1 , F45 and F85. A relatively large number of alder ( Alnus 
glutinosa) roundwood fragments were present in 1014 (FI 1 , LD 2) , close to the eastern edge 
of the excavations. These ranged in diameter from 8- 25 mm and in age from 2- 7 years. A few 
pieces had retained bark but most were degraded. Two of the wider fragments bore oblique 
tool-marks atone end. Apiece of hazel roundwood was also recorded (diameter 12mm, 4 
growth rings) . 

Samples from F45 and F85 were from the primary cut of LD 2. The sample from 1069 (F45, 
LD 2) consisted of a single piece of very degraded roundwood that measured about 35mm in 
diameter and was provisionally identified as a member of the hawthorn/ Sorbus group 
(Pomoideae) . The sample from 1130 (F85, LD 2) contained a piece of alder (Alnus glutinosa) 
about 30mm in diameter, with an oblique tool-mark at the upper end. 

Ditch LD 3 

The sample from 1039 (F22, LD3) contained a single piece of willow (Salix sp.) or poplar 
(Populus sp.) (most likely willow) with a diameter of 25mm and about 16 growth rings. 
Oblique tool-marks were recorded at each end. 

Ditch CD 1 

An assemblage of roundwood was recovered from 1102 (F66, CD1 ) . Eight pieces were 
identified as alder (Alnus glutinosa) , measuring from 15-50mm in diameter and from 5-10 
years in age. Most of these were fairly fast-grown and four pieces included wide annual rings 
in the first two or three years growth, which could implicate origins from coppiced stock. 

Pit F37 


A large piece of very degraded roundwood, measuring about 60mm in diameter, was 


32 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


identified as a member of the hawthorn/ Sorbus group (Pomoideae) . 

Discussion 

Fragments of wood from the base of two of the ditches provided a radiocarbon dates of 
400 BC-350 AD ( Wk 1 0973; 1 999 ± 1 23 BP 400) for ditch LD 2 and 50 BC-1 30 AD ( Wk- 
12978; 1968 ± 43 BP) for ditch CD 1 . Associated features were thus attributed to the Iron 
Age/ Romano-British period. 

Waterlogged roundwood was examined from ditches LD1, LD2, LD3 and CD1, and pit 
F37. The species identified included alder (Alnus glutinosa) , willow (Salix sp.) or poplar 
(Populus sp.), hazel ( Corylus avellana ) and member/s of the hawthorn/ Sorbus group 
(Pomoideae) (see Table 2) . The origin of the roundwood is unknown and, while some may 
represent fallen tree/ shrub debris, slash marks recorded on alder and willow/ poplar (prob- 
ably willow) attest to either the clearance of scrub or wood collection (see Table 2) . 

The analysis of pollen and plant macrofossils suggests that waterlogging was frequent at 
the site (see Greig below) and this is supported by the name of the site. The dominance of 
alder in the wood samples correlates with these findings. Alders and other wetland species, 
e.g., willow, may have grown alongside the ditches or on wet ground nearby. Growth rates 
were rather variable and although conspicuously fast-growth was noted in alder stems from 
F66 could indicate coppicing or managed woodland, rapid growth such as this could also 
result from particularly favourable growing conditions. Hazel and hawthorn/ Sorbus, how- 
ever, require dryer soils. 

Conclusions 

Samples of waterlogged roundwood collected from ditches and a pit associated with Iron/ 
Age and Romano-British field systems were identified as predominantly alder ( Alnus 
glutinosa) , but also included willow (Salix sp.) and poplar (Populus sp.) , hazel (Corylus 
avellana ) and member/ s of the hawthorn/ Sorbus group (Pomoideae) . The dominance of 
we hand species (e.g. alder) , was in keeping with the character of the environment as indi- 
cated by the analysis of pollen and plant macrofossils. Oblique tool-marks were recorded on 
several pieces of roundwood. 


POLLEN AND PLANT MACROFOSSILS 
James Greig 

Introduction 

The environmental work aims to discover the occupation history of the area and the 
development of the landscape as a result of it. 

Four ditches F65 (CD 1 ) , F79 (EN 1 ) , F98 (LD 1 ) and F93 (LD 2) were sampled and 
samples from three of these ditches were analysed at an interval of 2.5 cm, mainly for pollen. 
Samples were prepared for pollen analysis from F65 every 10 cm from 0-80 cm, from F79 
samples from 10 cm, 20 cm and 40 cm and from F98 samples from 10 cm, 20 cm and 40 cm 
were prepared. Identification was using the writer’s pollen reference collection. Standard 
reference works were used, notably Faegri andlversen (1989) and Andrew (1984). The 


BALBY CARR 


33 


Balby Carr F65 pollen diagram 

pollen sum 72 59 52 86 36 120 91 59 


Pteridium 

Polypodium 
Typha latifoiia-t 


Sparganium/Typha 

angustifolia-t 


w 

e 

t 

1 Cyperaceae 

a 

n 

d 

e Potamogeton-t 

£ Alisma-t 

« Menyanthes 

Apiaceae 
Myriophyilum verticiliatum 
Filipendula 

Ranunculus Batrachium-t 

Secale-t 

Cerealia-t >40 p 

Poaceae-t <40p 


Carduus/Cirsium-t 
Aster-t 
Anthemis-t 
L Lactuceae 

n Artemisia 

d Centaurea nigra 

*■» Dipsacaceae 

r Rubiaceae 

b Sofanum duicamara 

S 

Piantago ianceolata 

Mentha-t 
Trifolium repens-t 
Potentilla-t 
Brassicaceae 

Rumex 

Caryophyllaceae 

Chenopodiaceae 

Urtica 

Ranuncuiua-t 


trees and shrubs 


Sambucus nigra 

Fraxinus 

Hedera 

Acer 

Rhamnus cathartica 
Ilex 

t Crataegus 

X Ericales 

e 

® Saiix 

a Tilia 

n 

d Corylus type 

® Carpinus 

r 

u 

fc> 

s 

Ain us 


Betula 
Quercus 
Fagus 
— Pinus 






— , — 




£. 

£. 


£. 

R 


r 20 



r 20 



R 

& 

r 

o 


n 

t 


P 

o 


j 

e 

n 


Depth 


Fig. 10: Pollen diagram F65, ditch CD1 



34 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


pollen diagram was calculated and drawn up using the TILIA and TILLA.GRAPH pro- 
grammes (Grimm 1990) . Sub-samples were taken from bulk samples for macrofossil analy- 
sis. 

Results 

Pollen 

The material was mainly organic and peaty, with a little sand. There was usually very little 
organic residue from the samples, although a few seeds and insect remains were present. 
Pollen was abundant and very well-preserved in all the samples, except F79 at 40 cm and F65 
at 80 cm. In order to obtain the maximum useful information, small pollen counts have been 
done on many samples, to obtain a sequence from F65, which has been drawn up as a pollen 
diagram (Fig. 10) . The other samples have been looked at, and are similar in pollen content 

Macrofossils 

Samples from 1 101 and 1100 (F65, CD 1), 1139 (F98, LD 1) and 1141 (F93, LD 2) have 
been examined for macrofossils, which are listed in Table 3. 


Discussion 

All the pollen and macrofossil results can be discussed together in terms of their relevance 
to the interpretation of the site, as they seem to tell parts of the same story. 

The pollen results from the ditches CD 1 (F65, Fig. 6), EN 1 (F79) and LD 1 (F98) are 
rather similar, with large amounts of Alnus (alder) , Poaceae (grasses) and Cyperaceae (sedges) , 
and the macrofossil results also show large amounts of alder and plants of marshes and 
wetlands, and some grassland plants. 

Trees, scrub, heathland 

The pollen shows that there was carr woodland with Alnus (alder) and Salix (willow) at 
Balby Carr. This was confirmed by very abundant alder seeds and catkin remains, and some 
willow buds. Alder pollen was so abundant as potentially to distort the other results, so it was 
left out of the pollen sum, used for calculating the percentages, but reaches values of 50- 
150%. The signs of alder and willow carr are strongest in the lower part of the profile, from 
70-50 cm. There are various indications of other plants of carr, thorny scrub or hedgerow, 
such as Crataegus (hawthorn) and Rhamnus catharticus (buckthorn) pollen, and seeds of 
Rubus Glandulosus (bramble) , Rosa (wild rose) . 

The record of Ericales (heathers) shows that there was some heathland or moorland. 

Other woodland with (beech), Quercus (oak) , Tilia (lime) emdFraxinus (ash) may 
have grown on less wet land further away. The most likely area for such woodland near to 
Balby Carr is the limestone to the west through which the River Don has cut a gorge. A 
sample collected during the earlier evaluation of the site ( 1 7003, FI 700, LD 2) showed more 
signs of substantial woodland with Quercus (oak), Tilia (lime) and Ulmus (elm) and rather 
less of local alder carr than the present series (Greig 2002) , so the alder may have grown in 
patches. 


BALBY CARR 


35 


Swamp 

The records of wetland plants are very abundant as is normal for waterlogged deposits, 
and show that there was local reedswamp, at least in and along the ditches, with Cyperaceae 
(sedges etc.) , Sparganium tp. (bur-reed) , Fihpendula (meadowsweet) and a range of other 
wetland plants in the pollen record. The ditches were water-filled, as shown by floating 
aquatic plants such as Ranunculus subg. Batrachium (water crowfoot) pollen and very abun- 
dant seeds, and records of Mynophyllum (milfoil) , Zannichellia (horned pondweed) , and 
the floating grass Glycena (sweetgrass) . Oenanthe (water dropwort) and Apium (marshwort) 
correspond with the Apiaceae pollen record, and would have grown with Sparganium (bur- 
reed) in or beside a wet ditch. Although some of these plants could have grown under alder 
carr, it seems more likely that the trees were growing up to the ditches, or as a row along 
them, leaving plenty of open space for the swamp plants to grow in. 

Grasslands 

Plants of open land amount to about 75% of the pollen, so the landscape does not seem to 
have been densely wooded. Some records such as Poaceae (grasses) could represent a range 
of habitats, including grassland, but there are a number of grassland plants that can be 
identified from the pollen record. The macrofossils tend to give a much more local picture 
than pollen, and only the sample from 1141 (F93, LD 2) provided much macrofossil evidence 
of what was happening on dry land. Some of the grassland seems to have been damp, with 
Fihpendula (meadowsweet) , Carex (sedge) , Cirsium (marsh thistle) , growing perhaps in 
damper places or closer to the ditches, and characteristic of the recent appearance of Balby 
Carr. Other plants seem to show meadow or pasture with Ranunculus (buttercup) , Tnfolium 
repens (white clover) , Prunella vulgaris (self-heal) , Plantago lanceolata and P major (ribwort 
and greater plantains) , Centaurea nigra (knapweed), Leontodon sp. (hawkbit) (the latter 
corresponding to the Lactuceae pollen record) identified from pollen or seeds. 

Possible arable land 

There is a small but consistent record of Cerealia type pollen. This pollen type overlaps in 
size with Glycena (sweet-grass) which was present. Secale type (possible rye) was also present. 
However, there does seem to be an indication of some cultivated land in the general area. 
The records of cereal pollen are constant throughout, and suggest a steady level of human 
activity, if not direcdy on the spot. Samples from 1141 (F93, LD2) and from 17003 (FI 701, 
LD 2) , collected during the earlier evaluation, contained charcoal, which indicates human 
activity there. 

A grassland landscape with hedges and patches of wood? 

The likeliest interpretation of the landscape of Balby Carr from these results seems to be 
of grasslands ranging from drier to damper in nature, bordered by water-filled ditches which 
probably had hedgerows running beside them, perhaps to divide the land and to keep stock 
in particular parts, or for drainage. There may also have been some carr woodland and/ or 
scrub, perhaps if there were phases with less intense occupation of the area. This agrees 
with the idea of essentially open landscapes with farmsteads interspersed with fields and 
copses of managed woodland (Buckland 1986) . 


36 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


Some slight evidence of change with time can be seen in the reduction in alder and willow 
between 50 and 40 cm (big. 10) , suggesting that some of the alder carr might have been 
cleared. At the same time there is an increase in the records of many land herbs, which is 
probably a response to this opening up. 

Correlation with other sites 

The results from Balby Can' seem to be comparable with those from some other Iron Age 
sites. At Dragon by, neat' Scunthorpe, Lincolnshire (Holland 1975; Hayes 1996) , there were 
roughly contemporary clearances of woodlands, indicating increases in occupation pres- 
sure. On the sandy land there, woodland was replaced by heathland, not seen to the same 
extent at Balby Carr, but ditch fills contained signs of alder carr which seem very similar to 
the results obtained from Balby Carr. At Iron Age Tattersall Thorpe, Lincolnshire, (Chowne, 
Girling and Greig 1986) , a ring ditch fill also showed signs of grassland, and beetle remains 
gave evidence of pasture. A number of other Iron Age sites, mainly on river floodplains, 
have given such a picture. The consistent evidence for cattle meadows is not surprising, for 
waterlogged remains are mainly found in somewhat damp, low-lying places, and these in turn 
have always been more suitable for grassland than arable farming. Cereals were grown 
together with a range of other crops in the Iron Age, but on somewhat drier soils where 
mainly charred remains are preserved. It is hard to say whether the economy was really a 
mixed one, or mainly based on stock rearing. 


Context 

1101 

1100 

1139 

1141 


Feature/ construct 

F65/ CD 1 

F65/ CD 1 

F98/ LD 1 

F93/ LD 2 


Sample size 

100 ml 

<100 ml 

50 ml 

100 ml 


Ranunculus sect. 

Ranunculus 

- 

- 

- 

3 

buttercups 

Ranunculus flammula L. 

- 

- 

- 

10 

lesser spearwort 

Ranunculus subg. 

Batrachium 

15 

- 

1 

307 

Water crowfoot 

Ranunculus sceleratus L. 

1 

- 

- 


celery-leaved 

buttercup 

Ur tic a dioica L. 

- 

1 

- 

- 

common nettle 

Alnus glutinosa (L.) 

Gaertner seed 

5 

72 

- 

- 

alder 

Alnus glutinosa (L.) 

Gaertner catkin 

1 

11 

- 

- 

alder 

Chenopodium cf. ficifolium 
Smith 


- 

- 

2 

stinking goosefoot 

Montia fontana subsp. 
minor Hayw. 

- 

- 

- 


blinks 

cf. Cerastium sp. 

- 

1 

- 


mouse-ear 

duckweed 

Persicaria cf. hydropiper (L.) 
Spach 


- 

- 

1 

water-pepper 


Table 3: Plant macrofossils identified 


BALBY CARR 


37 


Rumex sp. 

2 

- 

- 

7 

dock 

Rumex acetosella L. 


1 

- 


sheep's sorrel 

Salix sp. bud 

2 

- 

- 

I 

willow 

Rubus cf. sect Glandulosus 

7 

47 

- 

1 

bramble 

Rosa/Rubus thorn 

2 

33 

- 


bramble or rose 

Potentilla anserina L. 

- 

- 

- 

3 

silverweed 

Rosa sp. rosehip, seed 

- 

4 

- 


wild rose 

? Ilex aqui folium L. (leaf) 

- 

1 

- 


holly 

Hydrocotyle vulgaris L. 

2 

- 

- 

- 

marsh pennywort 

Oenanthe cf. aquatica (L.' 
Poiret 

19 

5 

- 


water dropwort 

Apium 

nodiflorum/inundatum 

9 

- 

- 


marshwort or 
fool's water-cress 

Prunella vulgaris L. 

- 

- 

- 

1 

self-heal 

PI ant ago major L. 

- 

- 

- 

4 

greater plantain 

Cirsium cf. palustre (L.) 
Scop 

i 

- 

- 

3 

mash thistle 

Cirsium vulgare or arvense 

- 

- 

- 

i 

spear or creeping 
thistle 

Leontodon sp. 

- 

- 

- 

1 

hawkbit 

Sonchus asper(L.) Hill 

- 

- 

- 

2 

prickly sow-thistle 

Eupatorium cannabinum L. 

3 

- 

- 


hemp agrimony 

Alismataceae 

2 

- 

- 

4 

water plantain 

Zannichellia palustris L. 

- 

- 

- 

1 

horned pondweed 

Carex subg. Vignea 

2 

- 

- 

3 

sedge 

Carex subg Carex 

7 

- 

- 

2 

sedge 

Glyceria sp. 

- 

1 

- 

2 

sweet-grass 

Poaceae nfi 

- 

- 

- 

1 

grasses 

Sparganium sp. 

6 

1 

- 


bur-reed 


Table 3: Plant macrofossils identified (continued) 


THE INSECT REMAINS 
David Smith and Emma Tedow 

Introduction 

Four soil samples were collected from the organic fills of three ditches (CD 1 , LD 2 and EN 
1 ) . It was hoped that the analysis of the insect remains from these deposits might provide 
informadon as to the use of the landscape surrounding the ditches when this ditch system 
was acdve. 

Methods and analysis 

The samples were processed using the standard method of paraffin flotation as outlined in 
Kenward et al. (1980) and sorted and identified under a low-power binocular microscope. 

Where achievable the insect remains were identified to species level by direct comparison 


38 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


to specimens in the Gorham and Girling insect collections housed in the Institute for Ar- 
chaeology and Antiquity, University of Birmingham. 

The taxa recovered are presented in Table 4. The nomenclature follows that of Lucht 
( 1 987) . The majority of the taxa present are beedes (Coleoptera) with only a limited number 
of caseless caddis flies (Tricoptera) . 

In order to aid interpretation the taxa present have been assigned to ecological groupings 
following a simplified version of the scheme suggested by Robinson (1981; 1983). The 
affiliation of each species to a particular ecological grouping is coded in the second column 
of Table 4. The meaning of each ecological code is explained in the key at the base of Table 

4. The occurrence of each of the ecological groupings is expressed as a percentage in Table 

5. The pasture/ grassland, dung and woodland/ timber species are calculated as percentages 
of die number of terrestrial species, as opposed to the whole fauna. 

Column four in Table 4 indicates those species of beede that are associated with specific 
plants. The ecology for this information is mainly derived from Koch (1989, 1992) . 

Results 

The four insect faunas recovered from the ditch fills at the site are very similar in their 
overall nature and will be discussed together. 

The environment of the ditches 

The insect faunas recovered are relatively large and diverse but are dominated by taxa 
which are either associated with slow flowing bodies of water or with watersides. This is 
clearly demonstrated by the fact that ecological groupings ‘a’ (aquatic) and ‘ws’ (waterside) 
when combined account for between 50% and 75% of all individuals recovered (Tables 4 and 
5) . This suggests that the vast majority of the insect faunas recovered are very local in origin 
and probably come from the ditches rather than the surrounding landscape. From the ecol- 
ogy of the species of water beetle recovered it is clear that all the ditches contained bodies of 
slow flowing, and probably stagnant, water filled with aquatic vegetation. This is clearly 
suggested by the presence of a number of species such as Hygrotus inaequalis, Hydroporus 
dorsalis, H. palustns, Porhydrus lineatus, Noterus crassicornis, Hudreana testacea, Octhebius 
minimus, Hydrochus carinatus, H. brevis, Coelostoma orbiculare, Limoxenus niger, 
Cymbiodyta marginella and Chaetarthna seminulum (Holmen 1987; Nilsson and Holmen 
1995). 

A number of the phytophage (plant feeding) species recovered, such as Tanysphyrus 
lemnae, suggest that areas of the ditches were covered in floating vegetation such as duck 
weed ( Lemna species) . Areas of the ditch system also contained reed beds and stands of 
other waterside vegetation. These stands were composed of species such as Phragmites 
communis (common water reed) , Sparganium ramosum (branched bur reed) , Glycerin maxima 
(reed sweet grass) and Scirpus (rushes) . These are the food plants of Plateumaris braccata, 
Donacia marginata, Notaris acridulus and N. scirpi respectively (Koch 1992) . 

Several of the species of Carabidae ‘ground beetles’ recovered are also associated with 
waterside environments with wet ground, muddy areas and stands of dense vegetation. This 
is particularly the case with species such Elaphrus cupreus, Poecilus cureus and the various 
Pterostichus species (Lindroth 1974). 


BALBY CARR 


39 


Context number Ecology 

1087 

1088 

1141 

1148 

Host plants 

Feature number 


F56 

F56 

F93 

F99 


Construct number 


CD1 

CD1 

LD2 

EN1 









Carabide 







Leistus sp. 


- 

- 

1 

- 


Elaphrus cupreus Duft. 

ws 

- 

- 

1 

- 


Dyschirius globosus (Hbst.) 


- 

1 

1 

- 


Trechus rivularis (Gy 11.) 

ws 

1 

- 

- 

- 


Trechoblemus micros (Hbst.) 

ws 

- 

1 

- 

3 


Bembidion semipunctatum 
(Donov.) 

ws 

1 

- 

- 

- 


B. spp. 


2 

2 

2 

3 


Brady cellus sp. 


1 

- 

- 

- 


Acupalpus sp. 


1 

2 

- 

- 


Harplus spp. 


1 

- 

- 

1 


Poecilus cupreus (L.) 

ws 

- 

1 

- 

- 


Pterostichus nigrita (Payk.) 

ws 

1 

- 

3 

- 


P. minor (Gy 11.) 

ws 

2 

2 

1 

3 


P. dilgens (Sturm) 


- 

- 

2 

- 


Agonum spp. 

ws 

1 

- 

3 

2 


Amara spp. 


1 

1 

- 

1 


Chlaenius sp. 

ws 

- 

- 

1 

- 


Dromius quadrimaculatus (L.) 

t 

2 

- 

- 

1 









Halipidae 







Haliplus spp. 

a 

- 

7 

- 

- 









Dytiscidae 







Hygrotus inaequalis (F.) 

a 

3 

11 

- 

- 


Hydroporus dorsalis (F.) 

a 

- 

3 

- 

- 


H. palustris( L.) 

a 

- 

2 

- 

- 


H. planus (F.) 

a 

1 

2 

- 

- 


H spp. 

a 

- 

4 

- 

- 


Porhydrus lineatus (F.) 

a 

1 

1 

- 

- 


No ter us crassicornis (Mtill) 

a 

- 

- 

- 

1 


Agabus bipustulatus (L.) 

a 

1 

- 

- 

- 


A. spp. 

a 

3 

1 

- 

- 


Colymbetes fuscus (L.) 

a 

1 

- 

1 

- 


Dytiscus sp. 

a 

1 

- 

- 

- 









Gyrinidae 







Gyrinus spp. 

a 

2 

- 

1 

1 


Table 4: The insect remains 








40 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


Hydraenidae 







Hydraena spp. 


6 

- 

- 

3 


H. testacea Curt. 

a 

- 

4 

1 

- 


H. spp. 

a 

- 

- 

1 

3 


Ochthebuis minimus (F. ) 

a 

7 

17 

1 

- 


O. spp. 

a 

68 

72 

10 

14 


Limnebius spp. 

a 

1 

11 

6 

- 


Hvdrochus carinatus Germ. 

a 

1 

5 

- 

- 


H. Z?rev7s(Hbst.) 

a 

- 

- 

1 

1 


H spp. 

a 

1 

8 

- 

- 


Helophorus spp. 

a 

3 

- 

- 

- 









Hydrophilidae 







Coelostoma orbiculare (L .) 

a 

1 

- 

6 

- 


Sphaeridium bipustulatum L. 

d 

- 

- 

1 

- 


C. anaJis( Payk.) 

d 

- 

- 

1 

- 


C. tiistis (111.) 

a 

- 

1 

6 

- 


C. sternalis shp. 

a 

1 

- 

3 

1 


Megasternum boletophagum 
(Marsh.) 


- 

- 

3 

- 


Hydro bi us fuscipes (L.) 


1 

3 

1 

- 


Limnoxenus niger (Zschach) 

a 

- 

- 

1 

- 


Enochius spp. 

ws 

* 

8 

1 

- 


Cymbiody^a marginella (L.) 

ws 

3 

5 

1 

- 


Chaetarthria seminulum 
(Hbst.) 

ws 

- 

- 

1 

- 









Histeridae 







Onthophilus striatus (Lorst.) 

d 

- 

- 

1 

- 


Hister cadaverinus Hoffm. 

d 

- 

1 

- 

- 









Silphidae 







Thanatophilus rugosus (L.) 

- 

- 

1 

- 

- 









Clambidae 







Clam bus sp. 

- 

1 

- 

- 

- 









Scydmaenidae 







Scydmaenidae gen. & spp. 
indet. 

- 

1 

- 

- 

- 









Orthoperidae 







Corylophus cassidoides 
(Marsh.) 

ws 

12 

- 

1 

— 



Table 4: The insect remains (continued) 


BALBY CARR 


41 


Ptiliidae 







Ptillidae gen. & spp. indet. 


1 

- 

- 

- 









Staphylindae 







Micropeplus staphylinoides 
(Marsh.) 


1 

- 

- 

- 


Olophrum piceum (Gyll.) 

ws 

2 

- 

- 

- 


Lesteva longelytrata (Goeze) 

ws 

- 

- 

1 

- 


Trogophloeus biline at us 
(Steph.) 

ws 

- 

- 

1 

- 


T. corticinus (Grav.) 

ws 

2 

- 

- 

- 


Aploderus caelatus (Grav.) 


1 

- 

- 

- 


Oxytelus rugosus (F.) 

d 

4 

1 

- 

- 


O. nitidulus Grav. 

d 

- 

1 

- 

- 


Platystethus arenarius 
(Fourcr.) 

d 

- 

1 

- 

- 


P. capito Heer 

ws 

- 

1 

- 

- 


P. nitens (Sahib.) 

ws 

- 

- 

1 

- 


Stenus spp. 


5 

3 

1 

3 


Paederus spp. 

ws 

1 

- 

- 

- 


Stilicus orbiculatus (Payk.) 


- 

1 

- 

- 


Lathrobium spp. 


1 

- 

1 

4 


Xantholinus spp. 


1 

3 

5 

- 


Neobisnius spp. 


- 

1 

- 

- 


Philonthus spp. 


4 

3 

1 

- 


Mycetoporus sp. 


1 

- 

- 

- 


Tachinus rufipes (Geer) 


- 

- 

1 

- 


Tachinus spp. 


1 

- 

- 

- 


Aleocharinae Gen. & spp. 
indet. 


10 

1 

4 

1 









Pselaphidae 







Rybaxis spp. 


1 

- 

- 

- 


Trissemus impressus (Panz.) 


1 

- 

- 

- 









Elate ridae 







Ctenicera pectinicornis (L.) 


- 

1 

- 

- 

Larvae 

normally in turf 

Athous haemorrhoidalis (F.) 

g 

1 

- 

1 

- 

Larvae 

normally in turf 








Throscidae 







Throscus spp. 

t 

- 

- 

4 

- 

In rotting wood 









Table 4: The insect remains (continued) 


42 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


Helodidae 







Helodidae (?Cyphon spp.) 

ws 

5 

- 

10 

- 









Dryopidae 







Dry ops spp. 

ws 

7 

3 

1 

1 









Heteroceridae 







Heterocerus spp. 

ws 

- 

1 

- 

- 









Nitidulidae 







Cateretes spp. 

8 

3 

1 

1 

- 


Brachypterus urticae (F.) 

g 

1 

- 

1 

- 

On Urtica species 

Meligethes spp. 

g 

1 

- 

2 

- 









Cryptophagidae 







Cryptophagus sp. 


1 

- 

- 

- 









Phalacridae 







Phalacurus substriatus Gy 11. 

ws 

1 

- 

1 

1 

Often on smutted 
Car ex 

Stilbus spp. 

ws 

1 

- 

- 

- 









Lathridiidae 







Lathridius spp. 


1 

1 

- 

- 


Corticaria/ corticarina spp. 


2 

- 

- 

- 









Colydiidae 







Cerylon sp. 

t 

- 

- 

- 

1 

In rotting wood 








Anobiidae 







Anobium punctatum (Geer) 

t 



1 


In rotting wood 
of various hard 
wood trees 








Scarabaeidae 







Aphodius fossor (L.) 

d 

- 

1 

- 

- 


A. sphacelatus (Panz.) or A. 
prodromus (Brahm.) 

d 

- 

3 

4 

- 


A. fimetarius (L.) 

d 

- 

1 

- 

- 


A. ater{Gee r) 

d 

- 

- 

3 

1 


A. spp. 

d 

2 

- 

- 

- 


Phyllopertha horticola (L.) 

g 

1 

1 

1 

- 

Turf in pastures 
and meadows 









Table 4: The insect remains (continued) 


BALBY CARR 


43 


Chrysomelidae 







Donacia marginata Hoppe 

ws 

1 

- 

- 

- 

Spargamurn 

ramosum 

Platenmaris braccata (Scop.) 

ws 

1 

- 

- 

- 

Phragmites 

communis 

Chrysomela polita (L.) 

g 


1 



Mentha aquatica 
and other labiate 

taxa 

Gasroidea polygoni (L.) 

g 

- 

- 

1 

- 

Rumex and 

Polygonum species 

Phyllodecta spp. 

t 

- 

1 

- 

- 

Often on Salix 
or Alnus 

Phyllotreta spp. 

- 

1 

6 

- 

- 


Haltica sp. 

t 

1 

- 

1 

- 


Crepidodera sp. 

g 

- 

- 

1 

- 


Chaleo ides sp. 

g 

- 

- 

1 

- 


Chaetocnema spp. 


- 

- 

2 

- 


C. spp. 














Scolytidae 







Leperisinus varius (F.) 

t 

1 

- 

1 

- 

Mainly on Fraxinus 








Curculionidae 







Apion pomonae (F.) 

g 

1 

- 

1 

- 

On Vicia species 

A. spp. 

g 

5 

1 

8 

2 


Barynotus obscurus (F.) 

g 

- 

- 

- 

1 

On Rumex species 

Sitona spp. 

g 

1 

2 

1 

- 


Bagous spp. 

ws 

1 

6 

- 

1 


T anysphyrus lemnae (Payk.) 

a 

6 

- 

2 

- 

On Lemna species 

N otans scirpi (F.) 

ws 

- 

- 

1 

- 

Scirpus and 

Carex species 

N. acridulus (L.) 

ws 

- 

- 

3 

- 

Glycena maxima 

Thyro genes sp. 

ws 

- 

- 

- 

3 


Ceutorhynchus spp. 


- 

- 

- 

1 


G. pascuorum (Gyll.) 

g 

1 

- 

- 

- 

Plantago species 

G. 

g 

- 

- 

- 

- 

Plantago species 

Rhamphus pulicarius (Hbst.) 

t 

1 

- 

- 

- 

Alnus species 


Ecological groupings 

a - aquatic species 

ws - waterside species either from muddy banksides or from waterside vegetation 

d - species associated with dung and /or foul matter 

g - species associated with grassland and pasture 

t - species either associated with trees or with woodland in general 


Table 4: The insect remains (continued) 


44 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 



1087 

1088 

1 141 

1 148 

Total number of individuals 

219 

223 

133 

58 

Total number of species 

74 

52 

63 

26 

% aquatic species (a) 

46.6% 

66.8% 

30.1% 

36.2% 

% waterside species (ws) 

19.6% 

13.0% 

24.1% 

24.1% 

% dung and foul matter species / number of terrestrial (d) 

8.1% 

20.0% 

16.4% 

4.3% 

% grassland species / number of terrestrial (g) 

20.3% 

15.6% 

31.1% 

13.0% 

% woodland and tree species / number of terrestrial (t) 

6.8% 

0.0% 

1 1.5% 

8.7% 


Table 5: The statistics for the insects recovered 


Past landscape and land use 

One of the main problems in interpreting the insect faunas recovered from the site is that, 
since the majority of the taxa , appeal' to be very local to the ditches, there are proportionally 
very few taxa that are indicative of the surrounding wider environment. As a result, these 
insect faunas may not give a complete or total reconstruction of the use of this landscape. 
However, there is a suggestion that gl azing and pasture were present in the area. All of the 
four samples produced small faunas of Aphodius ‘dung beetles’ and other species such as 
Sphaeridium bipustulatum and Platystethus arenarius that are associated with the dung of 
large grazing animals. Equally, also present are a limited fauna of species that are associated 
with plants such as Rumex (dock) , Plantago (plantain) and Urtica dioica (stinging nettle) . 
These are all species of plant which are relatively common in grasslands, pastures and 
disturbed ground. 

It would also seem that the landscape was essendally clear of woodland and forest. There 
are very few taxa which are associated with bees or rotting wood (see ecological grouping ‘t’ 
in Tables 4 and 5) but like Phylodecta and Rhamphus pulicanus they are associated with 
Salix (willow) or Almis (alder) both species of U'ee which could have grown along the banks 
of the ditch system. The only species which might represent some woodland in the area is 
the scolytid Lepresinusv arius which is associated with Fraxinus (ash) . 

This reconstruction is broadly in line with the results of the pollen analysis from these 
deposits by Grieg (above) . 

Discussion 

It is clear, from the ecology of the species recovered, that the Iron Age and Romano- 
British ditch system at Balby Carr was set in an essentially cleared landscape, which was 
probably dominated by pasture land. Whether the reconstruction of weed filled ditches 
containing slow flowing water relates to the period of the time of use of these ditches or after 
their abandonment is not clear. 

In terms of comparable archaeological sites to that at Balby Carr there are no insect faunas 
from this type of deposit and period in the area around Doncaster and South Yorkshire in 
general. Most insect analysis in the county has concentrated on earlier glacial deposits (i.e. 
Buckland and Sadler 1985) or the Bronze Age forests on Thorne and Hatfield Moors 
(Buckland 1979; Whitehouse 1997; 2004) . 


BALBY CARR 


45 


The faunas recovered from Balby Carr compare well with a number of Iron Age field 
systems from other areas of Britain. For example those atFarmoor (Robinson and Lambrick 
1979) and Mingies Ditch, Oxfordshire (Robinson 1993). Though at present unpublished, 
insect faunas from Romano- British period field systems at Litde Paxton Cambridgeshire 
(Smith 2003) , Rectory Farm, Lincolnshire (Smith 1996a) , Blaco Hill, Nottinghamshire (Smith 
1996b), Covert Farm, Northamptonshire (1998) and Whitemore Haye, Staffordshire (Smith 
2000) confirm the same pattern of land use as those from Balby Carr. 

The insect faunas recovered h orn Balby Carr, therefore, fit with the suggestion that by late 
prehistory many river valleys in Britain were thoroughly cleared of forest and had become a 
predominandy mixed agricultural landscape of which pasture or meadow was a common 
component (Robinson 1978) . The faunas h orn Balby Carr also confirms that the community 
of insects and beedes commonly associated with culdvated ground and farmland today was 
fully developed by this time. 

DISCUSSION 

DATING AND CHRONOLOGY 

The residual find of an unfinished flint arrowhead of Neolithic date, recovered from one 
of the later ditch fills, provided evidence for early prehistoric activity. Although no pottery 
which could date the features was recovered, the site was probably first occupied during the 
mid to late Iron Age and was in use until at least 50 BC- 130 AD, on the basis of the 
radiocarbon dadng of waterlogged wood recovered from ditch fills. This is consistent with 
a provisional late Iron Age date for similar ditches, excavated at land adjoining the site to the 
west, during 2003 and 2004, by West Yorkshire Archaeological Services (WYAS 2003 and 
pers. comm. Dr Jane Richardson, Fig. 11). The lack of datable artefacts from the site at Balby 
Carr may be due to the fact that the site does not appear to have been used for domestic 
setdement and bone does not appear to survive well. The field enclosure system revealed 
during the excavation is a part of a landscape of ‘brickwork’ type enclosures in South 
Yorkshire. This is visible as a pattern of cropmarks on aerial photographs. These field 
enclosure systems are termed ‘brickwork’ pattern because they consist of many parallel 
boundaries dividing the land into long strips which are cut into rectangles by short cross 
boundaries (Riley 1977) . The field enclosure system appears to have been added to over 
time and was not constructed during one period. At least two phases of enclosure ditch 
construction were identified. 

THE FIELD SYSTEM 

The two parallel ditches LD 1 and LD 2 (Fig. 3, Phase 1 ) appear to be part of the first phase 
of a field system probably constructed between the mid to late Iron Age and the early 
Romano-British period. These ditches may have been part of an elongated rectangular 
enclosure with the east and west sides presumably lying beyond the edges of the excavation. 
This morphology is similar to the field systems indicated by cropmark features to the south 
(Fig. 11), where linear boundaries appear to be cut into rectangles by shorter cross bounda- 
ries to form elongated rectilinear fields. 

In the second phase of ditch construction (Fig. 3, Phase 2) , in the late Iron Age or early 


46 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 



Fig. 1 1 : The site in relation to cropmark field system and the 2004 WYAS excavations 


RomanoBritish period, it is probable that the ditched rectilinear enclosures EN 1 and EN 
2 were added to the field system. During this phase, between 50 BC- AD 130, the primary cut 
of Phase 1 ditch LD 1 was cut by curvilinear ditch CD 1 and evidence from the WYAS 
excavations (pers. comm. Dr Jane Richardson, Fig. 11) suggests this ditch formed the west 
side of subrectangular enclosure EN 1 . This enclosure would have been approximately 52m 
north-south by 70m east-west, with a possible entrance at the northeast corner. The north 


BALBY CARR 


47 


side of enclosure EN 1 was formed by part of the recut of ditch LD 1 , which appears to have 
terminated to the west, just short of ditch CD1 , possibly forming another entrance at the 
northwest comer of the enclosure. In some places the east and south ditches of EN 1 showed 
evidence of a later episode of clearing out or recutting. 

Provisional information from the WYAS excavation (pers. comm. Dr Jane Richardson, 
Fig. 11) suggests ditch CD 1 may have formed the east ditch of a possible droveway or 
trackway with ditch LD 4 forming the west ditch of this droveway. 

Enclosure EN 2 may have been constructed at the same time as EN 1 or perhaps slightly 
later. As with EN 1 , enclosure EN 2 had a possible entrance located at a corner. The north 
ditch of EN 2 was formed by part of the recut ditch of ditch LD 2 and this recut followed the 
same alignment as the south ditch of EN 1 , curving to the northwest and forming a droveway 
or trackway about 4m wide, between the two enclosures. This droveway or trackway could 
be a continuation of that formed by ditches CD 1 and LD 4, suggesting that it continued 
northwards, beyond the excavation, and around the west side of enclosure EN 1 . Alterna- 
tively, there could be two separate droveways on different alignments. These droveways 
running between field enclosures, would probably have been used to move animals to other 
fields or perhaps to smaller stock enclosures, as was the case at Pickburn Leys, Doncaster 
(Sydes 1993). 

Perhaps at the same time as enclosure EN 2 was constructed , or slightly later, ditch LD 3 
may have been dug. Ditch LD 3 was at right angles to the west side of enclosure EN 2 and 
probably formed part of additional enclosures to the west. 

The digging of a large pit and a curvilinear gulley provided evidence for a third phase of 
activity. Although this phase is more likely to be of late Iron Age or early Roman o-British 
date, it could date to any period between this period and the post- medieval period. 

Evidence from other sites in South Yorkshire and North Nottinghamshire is beginning to 
suggest that the origins of the ‘brickwork’ type field systems is earlier than previously thought 
(Chadwick 1997, 3). The enclosure set within afield system at Warning Tongues Lane, 
Bessacarr (Atkinson and Merrony 1994) , 4km to the east of the site, could have had Iron Age 
origins, as could be the case at Edenthorpe (Atkinson 1994; Chadwick 1995) , 7 km to the 
northeast of the site. At Dunstan’s Clump, Nottinghamshire (Garton 1987) some parts of the 
field system may date to before the late first century AD. Further evidence of a pre Roman 
date for the origin of the field systems comes in the form of Roman roads and forts which can 
be seen to cut across earlier cropmark field systems, as at Rossington (Riley 1980) , 4km to 
the southeast of Balby Carr. 

The evidence from environmental analysis could indicate that the large quantity of wood 
debris in the water-filled ditches may have been derived from hedges and trees growing 
adjacent to the ditches. There was no clear evidence of a bank running alongside the ditches 
found during the excavation. However, the field enclosure ditches would probably have had 
a bank, as was the case with two enclosures trial- trenched during an evaluation at Carr 
Lodge Farm (JSAC2001), 1km to the south (Fig. 1 1, SMR2134), which had upstanding 
earthworks. The banks, formed from the upcast from the digging of the ditches, would 
probably have had hedgerows growing on top of them. The ditches would have functioned 
as drainage and together with a bank and hedge would have formed a highly visible barrier, 
keeping stock in particular areas. These barriers may also have reflected ownership of the 


48 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


landscape and social relationships as recognised by Chadwick ‘In a region of often gende 
topography, especially to the soudr and east of Doncaster, ditches and associated banks and 
hedges would have been highly visible forms of discourse, with acdve roles in the reproduc- 
tion of social reladonships’ (Chadwick 1997, 5). 

The reculinear field enclosure ditches and possible droveways revealed during the exca- 
vation appear to be similar in morphology to the cropmark features identified by aerial 
photography by Riley (1980) , to the south of the site on the low-lying Loversall and Potteric 
Carr (Fig. 1 1 ) and are probably a condnuadon of them. These cropmark features formed a 
field system, similar to the ‘brickwork’ pattern field enclosures visible on aerial photographs 
of land across Soudi Yorkshire and North Nottinghamshire. Riley, noted that these features 
on Loversall and Potteric Carr were of a slightly different morphology to elsewhere, being 
less regular. The soil-mark visible, on an aerial photograph, in a field immediately to the east 
of the site (Fig. 11, Cox 2002) is probably also a condnuadon of these cropmark features and 
may be a condnuadon of the ditches excavated on the site. 

As mentioned above two enclosures to the south of the site have been the subject of 
geophysical survey and uial-trenching (Fig. 1 1 , SMR 2 1 34, JSAC 200 1 ) . This work suggested 
that the enclosures, which contained no artefacts, were used for seasonal containment of 
stock and had banks and hedges alongside them. Evidence of a double- ditched setdement 
enclosure (SMR no. 2135, Fig. 11), containing possible settlement features, can be seen 
amongst the cropmark field system to the south. The enclosure contained a circular feature 
and other internal features and was intersected by possible field boundaries and droveways. 

FARMING AND LAND USE 

No evidence of setdement enclosures, sUaictures, crop-processing or storage facilides was 
encountered during the excavadon. Presumably this is due to the wet low-lying nature of the 
site in die Iron Age and Romano-Bridsh periods and these features may be present on drier, 
better drained ground in die locality. 

It is not clear to what extent the economy of the people who utilised the site depended on 
arable crops or animal husbandry. The existence of a probable droveway between enclo- 
sures suggests that livestock were being herded between enclosures and fields. The location 
of entrances at corners of the enclosures may suggest the enclosures were constructed to 
contain stock (Pryor 1998, 101 ) . However, only a few fragments of unidentifiable animal 
bone were recovered from the site. This may be due to the poor survival of the bone in the 
acidic soil. There is little environmental evidence of arable farming on the site itself, al- 
though there does seem to be a suggestion from die pollen analysis of some cultivated land in 
the general area. 

The evidence from the insect remains is compatible with a landscape of cleared forest and 
a mainly mixed agricultural landscape, of which pasture or meadow was a common part 
(Robinson 1978) . It is probable that the wet low-lying nature of the site means the site was 
unsuitable for growing of crops and was used for pasture as suggested by the presence of 
insects species that are associated with the dung of large grazing animals. 

The presence of fast growing alder in the water-logged remains could be evidence of 
coppicing or managed woodland, however rapid growth could also result from particularly 


BALBY CARR 


49 


favourable growing conditions. Oblique tool-marks were recorded on several pieces of 
roundwood and this could also be evidence of coppicing. 

The analysis of the pollen and insect remains suggests that the local environment was 
mainly grassland and the landscape consisted of fields separated by ditches, banks and 
hedgerows. There would also appear to be signs of areas of woodland, some of it managed. 
The environmental evidence from Balby Carr indicates that the local environment was wet 
and more likely to have been pasture than arable, with the fields probably being utilised on 
a seasonal basis. Crops are more likely to have been grown on drier ground and there is some 
evidence, in the form of small amounts of cereal pollen, of cultivated land in the general area. 
This view of the landscape corresponds with evidence emerging from other sites in the area 
(Buckland 1986: 4; Chadwick 1997) of a landscape where large amounts ofwildwood had 
already been cleared and farmsteads were set amongst fields and areas of managed wood- 
land. 

The site was probably waterlogged marshland during the medieval period and during 
much of the post-medieval period. Leland, in about 1540, noted that the Carr was a largely 
impenetrable morass of bog and fen (Evans 1973). Documentary evidence (Watt 2002) 
suggests that throughout the post- medieval period, various attempts were made to drain the 
Carr. By the late 18 th century and early 19 th century, when the Carr was enclosed, long deep 
drains had been cut and these are still extant today. The post-medieval drainage ditches 
recorded on site were probably cut at this time, as they are on identical alignments to the 
existing late 18 th or early 19 th century field boundaries depicted on an early 19* century tithe 
map (Watt 2002) . An archaeological assessment of the area around Carr Lodge Farm 
(Cumberpatch et al 1 998) , directly south of the site found that the area lay on fen peat which 
appeared to have been drained in the post-medieval period and subsequently used as farm- 
land. This appears to be the case with this site, although the only remaining traces of peat are 
contained in the fills of archaeological features and post-medieval drainage features. 


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 

The excavation was directed and managed by Laurence Jones, supervised by Eleanor Ramsey 
and carried out with the assistance of Helena Beak, Robert Bracken, Richard Cherrington, Mary 
Duncan, Stephen Graham, Philip Harris, EmmaHancox, Philip Mann, Andrew Rudge and Andrew 
Walsh. The illustrations were prepared by Nigel Dodds. This report was edited by Alexjones. 

The project was funded by B &QPLC and thanks are due to Bob Brown, Regional Development 
Manager, B&QPLC. Thanks are also due to Roy Sykes who monitored project for South Yorkshire 
Archaeology Service. 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


Yorkshire Archaeological Journal 79, 2007 


55 


ROUTE I IN ROMAN BRITAIN: FROM THE FRONTIER TO 

THE HUMBER 


By J. G. F. Hind 

This article is concerned with the general direction, and individual stations on Route I of 
the Antonine Itinerary. It uses the evidence of the ancient toponyms, modern river-names 
and the archaeological evidence, for the date of the intermediate and terminal towns/forts. 
It is argued that the Route links important centres of population (poleis in Ptolemy’s Geog- 
raphy,) and that, in the form we see it in the Itinerary, it was the main road running through 
the newly constituted York provincia (Britannia Inferior,) in the years after A. D. 212-17 and 
on into the fourth century. 

The Itinerary of Antoninus Augustus lists fifteen routes in Britain among its empire-wide 
network of 225 roads. 1 It is likely that the mam route from Rome to Egypt represented an 
imperial progress made by the young emperor Caracalla in A. D. 214/15, three years after he 
had succeeded his father, Septimius Severus, who had died at Eburacum (York). 2 The Itiner- 
ary (road-book) takes its name from Caracalla's official adoptive, name, Antoninus. The docu- 
ment was later brought up-to-date, but only in parts, towards the end of the third century, in 
the time of the emperor Diocletian (A.D. 284-305). 3 

Route I (conventionally so labelled in Britain) ran ' from the frontier, from the waif (Fig. 1 ), as 
it claims, to a place called Praetorium/Pratorium, praetor's headquarters', 'commander's cen- 
tre'. This name is found several times in the continental part of the Itinerary, and is a descrip- 
tion of function rather than a place-name. The one in Britain is normally located at the Roman 
military base and town at Brough-on-Humber. The road passed through eight intermediate 
stations, in most cases also towns, in the English counties, Northumberland, Durham and 
Yorkshire. These towns are named, and distances are given in Roman numerals between 
them, as well as an overall total given at the beginning of the route. 4 The road's general 
direction is not in doubt; it is down the Rede Valley to the Tyne, then south across the 
interfluves of Tyne, Wear and Tees, before following the Swale and Ure to York and then 


1 G Parthey and M. Pinder (eds.), Itinerarium Antonini Augusti et Hierosolymitanum, Berlin, 1848; O. 
Cuntz (ed.) Itineraria Romana I, Leipzig, 1929; A. L. F. Rivet, 'The British Section of the Antonine 
Itinerary’, Britannia 1, 1970, 34-68; A. L. F. Rivet and C. Smith, The Place Names of Roman Britain, 
London, 1979, 152-53; G D. B. Jones and D. Mattingly, An Atlas of Roman Britain, Oxford, 1990, 24- 
25. 

2 Rivet and Smith, op. cit. 152 (accepting the suggestion of D. van Berchem). 

3 Rivet and Smith, 153. 

4 For Route I and its specific difficulties see I. D. Margary, Roman Roads in Britain, 2nd edn, 1967, 
418-19; 427-30; W. Rodwell 'Milestones, civic territories and the Antonine Itinerary', Britannia 6, 
1974, 84-86; H. G Ramm, The Parisi, London, 1978, 55-60; Rivet and Smith, op. cit. 155-57; J. 
Creighton, The Place-Names of East Yorkshire in the Roman Period. Recent Research in Roman 
Yorkshire - Studies in Honour of Mary Kitson Clarke/Mrs Derwas Chitty, J. Price and P. R. Wilson 
(eds) BAR British Series 193, 1988, 387-406. 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 



Fig. 1 Map showing location of sites 
Key: 

1 . High Rochester / Bremenium 

2. Chesterholm/ Vindolana / Vindolanda 

3. Corchester / Corstopitum 

4. Rudchester / Vindouala / Vindobala 

5. Binchester/ Vinovia 

6. Catterick / Cataractonium 

7. Scarborough 

8. Filey 

9. Malton / Degouicia 

1 0. Aldborough / Isurium 

1 1 . Stamford Bridge / Derventio 

12. York / Eboracum 

13. Brough-on-Humber / Praetorio 









ROUTE I IN ROMAN BRITAIN 


57 


swinging eastward to the Yorkshire Derwent and, probably, south again across the Wolds to 
the Humber. About five of the ten sites and their ancient place-names there is also no doubt; 
about two others there is certainty about the site, but dispute about the name, about one the 
name is certain, while the location is determined variously; about the last two both names and 
sites have remained bones of contention. This article attempts to locate these problematic 
stations at Roman sites on the road, and to explain their names in terms of the local topogra- 
phy (woods, rivers etc.). The possible corruption of numerals and contamination of names in 
the list, the meaning of toponyms in the Romano-Celtic language, and the existence of known 
Roman sites of the relevant date (early third century) will all be considered in making these 
identifications. 

Route I, as laid out in the ItinerariumProvinciarum Antonini Augusti and in the comprehen- 
sive study of Place Names of Roman Britain reads as follows: 

464.1 A limite id est a uallo Praetorio 'From the limes, that is from the wall to Praetorio'. 

464.2 m. p. clvi 'Miles 156'. 

464.3 a Brememo Corstopitum m.p. XX ' from Bremenium to Corstopitum 20 miles’. 

464.4 Vmdomora, m.p. VIIII ' Vindomora 9 miles'. 

465. 1 Vinouia mp. XVIIII ' Vinouia 1 9 miles'. 

465.2 Cataractom m.p. XXII at Cataractonium 22 miles'. 

465.3 Isurium m.p. XXIIII ' Isurium 24 miles'. 

466.1 Eburacum leug VI Victrix mp. XVII ' Eburacum legion VI Victrix 17 miles'. (The 
word legio is here confused with league'). 

466.2 Derventione m.p. VII at Derventio 7 miles'. 

466.3 Delgouicia m.p. XIII 'Delgouicia 1 3 miles'. 

466.4 Praetorio m.p. XXV ' at Praetorium 25 miles'. 

It will be noted that the total 156 miles, given in 464.2, agrees with the sum of the individual 
distances. This might be taken to indicate that all the numerals have been preserved correctly, 
but it might also mean that one or other of them has been adjusted subsequently to reconcile 
them with the total given. That something of the sort has happened is shown by the fact that 
the distance between Bremenium (certainly High Rochester) and Corstopitum (equally cer- 
tainly Corchester near Corbridge ( is wrongly given as 20 miles when it is in fact 24. 5 This must 
have thrown out one, or some, of the figures later in the list. The most likely way in which 
distances could be corrupted would be in confusion in manuscript between ii and v (two and 
five), and v and x (five and ten), 6 but also on occasion, omissions occur and even insertions 
from other routes, (see below). 

Route I also gets off to an inaccurate start in that it implies the Bremenium was on the Wall, 
whereas it is in fact some 20 miles beyond it up Dere St., along the River Rede valley. That 
same vagueness, making the road begin at the frontier, when it actually starts at the outpost 
forts some twenty miles beyond, is noticed also on Route II where Blatobulgium (Birrens) and 


5 Margary, op. cit. 522-23; Rivet and Smith, op. cit. 155. 

6 Margary, op. cit. 527; Rodwell, op. cit. 78; 84-86; Rivet and Smith, op. cit. 154; 156. 


58 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


Castra Exploratorum (Netherby) appear, though they are north of the Wall. 7 

It has already been stated that Corstopitum is without doubt the important Roman site 
nearby Corbridge. Although it has long been accepted that this name-form is a corruption of 
some Celtic original (it cannot be explained from any of the Celtic languages), 8 it is only 
relatively recently that attempts have been made to suggest what the original toponym was. 
Corstopitum has been supposed to be a compound name, with the first element, coria, host- 
ing place' and the second - sopitum, giving a tribal name coriosopitum, or alternatively with - 
ritum 'ford', producing a Corioritum (Corford', precursor to Corbridge). But Coria has re- 
cently been accepted as the name of the site, leaving the second element without explana- 
tion. 9 I now propose that this topitum ending is in fact a corrupt form of Epiacum, (Ptol. Geog. 
II. 3. 10), the northernmost polls of the Brigantes, listed by Ptolemy just north of Vinnovion 
(certainly Binchester, near West Auckland). Next north of this is Ebchester, nine miles south 
of Corbridge. 10 Camden and early antiquaries made the natural equation of Epiacum with the 
modem Ebchester. However, the Antomne Itinerary locates instead a place named Vindomora 
nine miles south of Corstopitum. This has driven the name Epiacum from Ebchester and 
created a consequent problem of its location (Whitley Castle has been suggested). Thus 
Vindomora has entered all maps, and versions of the Itinerary, as the name for Ebchester. 
However, the case here is that Epiacum was in that position in the original form of Iter I, but 
that it became displaced upwards by a line to become conflated with Coria, thus doubly 
explaining the difficult Corstopitum and the disappearance of Ptolemy's Epiacum from the 
position, where it would be expected. 

Some years ago I suggested that a similar process was at work in the Ravenna Cosmogra- 
phy , where a conflation of coria with epiacum seems to have led to the latter's disappearance 
to join coria in the form corielopocarum. 11 This corruption of the names is well within the 
capabilities of the text; (epiacum-lopocarium). I now suggest that something of the sort 
occurred also in the transmission of the Antonine Itinerary to produce its equally impossible, 
apparently compound, name. In short, in the one text epiacum has become stopitum, and in 
the other lopocarium, and has disappeared from British geography apart from Ptolemy where 


7 Rivet and Smith, op. cit. 157-58. 

8 Ifor Williams, in I. A. Richmond and O. G S. Crawford (eds) 'The British section of the Ravenna 
Cosmography', Archaeologia 93, 1949, 30; K. Jackson in A. L. E Rivet 1970 (n. 1)71 (Corstopitum 
query). 

9 Rivet and Smith, op. cit. 322-24; J. G E Hind, 'The Roman Name for Corbridge’, Britannia 11,1 980, 
165-71; A Strang, 'Explaining Ptolemy's Roman Britain' Britannia 28, 1997, 30; A. K. Bowman, Life 
and Letters on the Roman Frontier, London, 1998, 21 ; 22-23; 39; 48; 78. 

10 Hind, op. cit. 168. 

11 The relative position of Epiacum to Vinnovion given in Ptolemy would suggest that Epiacum was 
Ebchester. It is presented as the next polis north. In longitude it is rather too far west, but Vinnouion is 
outrageously further west still. In general longitudinal data are much less likely to be accurate, for 
reasons given by Rivet and Smith, op. cit. 108. Ebchester's name is sometimes said to derive from a 
hypothetical English chief, Ebba or Ebbe, K. Cameron, English Place-Names, London, 1977. But, in 
view of the continuity of names on this stretch of road (giving Corbridge, Binchester and Catterick) we 
may suppose that this too is from the known British toponym, which has otherwise disappeared apart 
from Ptolemy. 


ROUTE I IN ROMAN BRITAIN 


59 


it is the Brigantian polis Epiacum, 

The intrusive name Vindomora is equally problematic, it is not known elsewhere, the sec- 
ond element is hard to make sense of, and it too may be corrupt. 12 It is possible that it is a 
version of Vindouala/Vindobala (Rudchester) or Vindolana/Vindolanda (Chesterholm); both 
were neighbouring Roman settlements, Vindouala on the Wall to the north-east, Vindolanda 
being a little off to the west. One might note that Vindobona (Vienna) could appear in the 
Itinerary as Vindomona. 13 Vindouala could easily have been corrupted likewise to Vindomora. 
Apart from the possible intrusion into the Iter of a nearby Vindouala or Vindolana, there is 
also the possibility that Vinouia (the next station at Bmchester) appeared in a variant Vinnovia 
and became corrupted to Vindomora by a copyist. Confusion of names in sections of routes 
is not unknown; a group of places actually on Iter XII has been inserted in Iter XV, because 
of the presence of an Isca and a Muridunum (different places) on both routes. 14 Omissions 
also occur, on Iter II between the Leeds area and Manchester, and on Iter XIII east of Glouces- 
ter. Similarities of name on the same route may have caused such omission. 15 In this case the 
opposite may be presumed to have taken place; the name of a neighbouring fort or an 
alternative spelling of the next station may have been utilised to fill a gap caused by the 
disappearance of Epiacum into Corstopitum in the line above. 

The next four towns present no problems. The modem names, the distances stated, and in 
most cases, Roman occupation of the relevant date, leave no doubt that Vinovia, Cataractonium, 
Isurium and Eburacum were on the sites of Binchester, Catterick, Aldborough on the River 
Isura (Ure), and York. Further, each one of them was a significant town (polis) of the Brigantes 
according to Ptolemy in the second century A.D. (c. A.D. 90-140). 16 We can add to these 
Epeiakon/Epiacum, as we have seen. We can certainly add also Bremenion/Bremenium, which 
also appears in Ptolemy, as a polis of the Otadeinoi (= Votadim) tribe; and whether or not Coria 
is one of the Koria/Kuria places mentioned by Ptolemy (Geog. II 3.7), it clearly was important 
enough strategically and in organizational terms to bear that name. With our addition of 
Epiacum, Route I includes every one of Ptolemy's poleis on the east side of the Pennines and 
no lesser settlements at all, 17 this for a date only some sixty-eighty years later than the 
geographer. 

12 Rivet and Smith, op. cit. 502-3. 

13 Vindomora is not a toponym known in Britain or anywhere else. But it could be a corrupt form of 
Vindolana or Vindouala. The easiest way to illustrate this is to point to the manuscript variants of 
Vindobona (Vienna on the Danube), which appears also as Vindomona (Antonine Itinerary), Vindomara 
(Notitia Dignitatum), Vindomana (Notitia Dignitatum), Vindomina (Jordanes). Given this range of 
variants for Vindobona, we might well imagine that a variant of Vinnovia (Vinnovion in Ptolemy) could 
be transposed to the line above in corrupt form as Vindomora to fill the space vacated by Epiacum. 

14 Rivet and Smith, op. cit. 173-74, 178-80. 

15 ibid. 158-60; 175-76. Note also Petrianis inserted by the copyist of Notitia Dignitatum/Dux 
Britanniarum xi. 46, misled by the name of the unit, ala Petriana. Rivet and Smith, op. cit. 220-21. 

16 Ptolemy Geog. II. 3.10: Rivet and Smith, op. cit. 142; 156. It should be noted that Cataractona and 
Isurium are also on Iter II and Iter V, and Eburacum is on II, V and VII. 

17 With the exception of Kalagon, which lay in Cumbria (Burrow-in-Lonsdale?). Ptolemy's other two 
poleis (Rigodounon; Kamounlodounon) are still unlocated, though suggestions have been made that the 
former was at Stanwick and the latter at Almondbury. If so, both would be important British fortified 
sites some way off this Roman road, and not listed in the Itinerary. 


60 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


The situation east and south of Eburacum is rather different. There are only three stations, 
but the location of each is disputed. Derventio is represented by the Iter as seven miles (VII) 
from Eburacum, Delgouicia as 1 3 miles (XIII) from Derventio, and Praetono as 25 from Delgouicia 
(XXV). The most common way of placing them on the map has been to locate Derventio at 
Malton (on the River Derwent and a major Roman site, certainly a road-hub), Delgouicia as 
either at Millington or Wetwang (near or on one or other Roman road from Malton to the 
Humber) and Praetorio (Brough, an important Roman naval-station and township on the 
Humber). The trouble with these identifications is that Delgouicia cannot be placed convinc- 
ingly at either site and the interval distances are so far from those listed as to be beyond 
explanation by emendation of the numerals. 18 Nor can routes from York via Hayton or 
Shiptonthorpe, 19 or involving travelling the same stretch twice (York-Malton-York) before 
proceeding to Brough and the Humber, be made to fit them. 20 The most recent attempt to 
restore this stretch of the route places Derventio at Stamford Bridge, Delgouicia at Malton, 
and Praetorio at either Scarborough or Filey on the east coast. 21 This solves two-thirds of the 
problem, but takes the route on an implausible end-journey. Derventio is undoubtedly on the 
Derwent, Stamford Bridge is the required seven miles from York and its likely site. Delgovicia 
('Thombushes', if delg is the correct reading) is at Malton a further thirteen miles north-east, 
also on the Derwent. The Ravenna Cosmography has a variant reading Devovicia, which 
with only the slightest emendation would be Dervovicia oak-tree woodland', and so would 
be well-placed on Derventio, the oak-tree river' (Derwent). 22 If these two stations seem 
happily sited in this scheme, the same cannot be said for Praetorio, on the east coast, since 
although both Scarborough and Filey are 25 miles from Malton, they have no recorded 
Roman remains except late fourth-century fortifications to recommend them. The need to 
seek the end of the route on this coast has resulted from too close an adherence to the 
numerals as presented (in this case the listed XXV). More convincingly, historical and ar- 
chaeological evidence has always directed attention southward to the north shore of the 
Humber estuary at Brough. This is where Ptolemy locates his Petouaria in the territory of the 
Parisi (Geog. II. 3. 10), and where a substantial base was located in the third and first half of the 
fourth centuries. 23 As Praetorium is a standard word for a headquarters, appearing several 
times at points of the Itinerary on the Continent, it is a fair assumption that here the copyist 


18 Margary, op. cit. 419-21; 523. Margary made his route 29 (Iter I) follow the road from Brough to 
Malton as is done here, though he was seeking an intermediate station. 

19 M. Millett, apud S. S. Frere, 'Roman Britain in 1984’, Britannia 16, 1985, 281. 

20 A. L. F. Rivet, Britannia 1, 1970, 41 ; W. R. Rodwell, op. cit. 85; H. Ramm, The Parisi, 1978, 55-60. 
Rivet earlier suggested that two routes may have been run together (1970, 41), but later dropped the 
idea (Rivet and Smith 1979, 156). Rodwell (1975, 84-6) proposed a route turning back on itself, York 
- Millington - York, but this is found nowhere else in the Itinerary. 

21 Creighton, loc. cit. 403-5. (see n. 4). 

22 devovicia, is very close to dervovicia, which would be relevant to the oak-tree region of the Derwent, 
see I. A. Richmond and O. G. S. Crawford. 'The British section of the Ravenna Cosmography', 
Archaeologia 93, 1 949, 32 (where however it is taken to be a corruption of delgouicia; so also by Rivet 
and Smith, op. cit. 331-32). 

23 J. Wacher, The Towns of Roman Britain, London, 1974, 394-97; Ramm, op. cit. 58-63; Rivet and 
Smith op. cit. 437-38. 


ROUTE I IN ROMAN BRITAIN 


61 


mistook the unfamiliar (Celtic) name Petuaria for the very familiar Latin Praetorio. 24 

This can be reinforced by the fact that Ravenna's version of the name was Decuaria, clearly 
corrupted from a version close to Petouaria, and bearing no relation to Praetorio. Petouaria, is 
yet another polls, according to Ptolemy, this brings almost to a full house the number of 
stations on Iter I which were significant population centres. Only Derventio and Delgouicia/ 
Dervovicia are definitely not in Ptolemy's list of poleis, but if the latter is correctly placed at 
Malton, its status as a road-centre, large fort and civilian town (Norton) in the Roman period 
is certain (a centre of the Parisi alongside Brough, it has been suggested). 25 This leaves only 
Derventio (at Stamford Bridge 26 near York) as a relatively minor settlement, though an impor- 
tant river-crossing. We can see that Iter I was punctuated not merely by stationes, but by 
significant townships (at least 8, perhaps 9 out of 10) of the Votadini, Brigantes and Parisi. It 
ran from the frontier, or a little beyond it, to the naval base on the River Humber, passing 
through much of what had recently been defined as Britannia Inferior, in the new division of 
the province made by Severus or his son inA.D. 212 or 213 (certainly before A. D. 216.) 

The entry in the Itinerary, titled Iter Britanmarum (463.3) indeed indicates that by the time 
the routes were drawn up there were two provinces. 27 Eburacum was the capital of this Lower 
Province, the northern equivalent of Camulodunum (Colchester) in the Upper' province. 
Petuaria/Praetorio was perhaps planned to be a parallel settlement to Londinium, situated as 
it was on the Humber, as a vicus and supply-base, just as London was on the Thames. In the 
event it remained relatively small and undeveloped, and shared its economic and military role, 
in the canton of the Parisi, with Malton. 28 But no Roman site in present-day Yorkshire is so 
suited as Brough-on-Humber to be the southern end of Roman route I. The problem with the 
numerals in the final stage can be resolved by emending XXV to XXX (one of the most 
common confusions in the Itinerary, final V having replaced X); this corresponds with 
Margary's distance - 30 !4 miles from Malton to Brough-on-Humber. 29 We may recall that at 
the outset Iter I gives a distance of XX miles from Bremenium to Corstopitum, when the true 
distance is 24 (High Rochester-Corchester). 30 The whole route is bedevilled by its starting 
point being at an outpost fort and not at the Wall as stated in the rubric. The Roman numerals 
at the end of the Route may well have become corrupt through poor calculation or copying, 
but possibly in a late attempt to reconcile the intermediate distances with the total. 


24 Rivet and Smith, op. cit. 443. 

25 Ramm, op. cit. 63-68. See now the very recent reassessment of the role of Mai ton/Norton, P. 
Wilson, 'A Yorkshire fort and small town: Roman Malton and Norton reviewed,' YAJ 78, 2006, 35-60. 

26 The increasing body of data relating to Roman occupation at Stamford Bridge, see Wilson loc. cit., 
with references. The roads by the Derwent crossing are discussed by Lawton, I. G Lawton, 'Roman 
roads around Stamford Bridge - Recent Work’, CBA Forum, 1997, 23-29. 

27 Rivet and Smith, op. cit. 155. The date of the division of Britannia was narrowed to between A. D. 
211 and 217 by A. J. Graham, Journal of Roman Studies 56, 1966,92-107, and to a most likely A.D. 213 
by A. R. Birley. The Fasti of Roman Britain, OUP, 1981, 168-72; The Roman Government of Britain, 
OUP, 2005, 333-36. 

28 Militarily, however, Brough was probably intended to cover the approaches by river and land to 
York via the Humber estuary. 

29 Margary, op. cit. 523. 

30 Ibid. 476; 523; Rivet and Smith, op. cit. 155. 


62 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


The township names and their modem sites, the ancient place-names and their probable 
meanings are as follows: 

Bremenium - High Rochester ( Place on the Loud Stream ') 31 
Coria (Corstopitum) - Corchester ('Hosting/Assembling Place ') 32 
Corstopitum is meaningless. 

Epiacum(Vindomora) - Ebchester ( Place of Epius, Place of the Horseman ') 33 
The second element at Vindomora is meaningless. 

Vmovia - Binchester (Meaning unknown, unless it is connected with uinn; Irish for onno, 
Place on the Ash Stream ') 34 

Cataractoni - Catterick ('Place on the Rapids/Waterfalls ') 35 

Isurium - Aldborough ('Place on the Isura, present-day River Ure, see the Autura on the 
Continent - Eure ) 36 

Eburacum - York ('Yew-tree place' from eburo/iuo ) 37 
Derventione - Stamford Bridge ( At the Oak-Tree River ') 38 


31 Rivet and Smith, op. cit. 276; 277 (Bremia). 

32 ibid. 332-33; Hind, loc. cit. 165-71 (n. 9); Strang, loc. cit. 30. 

33 Rivet and Smith, op. cit. 360; Hind, 168. 

34 Rivet and Smith, op. cit. 504 (Vinovia or Vinovium). The meaning of Vinouia has not been satisfac- 
torily explained as a Celtic word, but it is possible that the root-word was *onno 'ash-tree', which gave 
Onny, and Inny as river names. The Irish equivalent of Welsh onn is uinn. The ending - ouia/on is also 
suited to a site on a river, onnen (Welsh), ounnen (Breton), huinn/uinn (Irish), K. Jackson Language and 
History of Early Britain (Edinburgh, 1 953, 542). 

35 Rivet and Smith, op. cit. 303-4. They postulate that behind the Latinised Hellenic form Cataracta, 
there lies a Celtic catu + ratis 'battle-fortification' i.e. a British defended site. This explanation is 
possible, but it looks as though the Greek surveyors in the Roman army took the name, whatever its 
Celtic meaning, to be their familiar name Katarrhaktes, 'rapids,' 'cataracts', best known from those on 
the River Nile. Kataraktonion gets several mentions (more than most place-names) in Ptolemy (Geog. 
1.24.1; II. 3. 10; VIII. 3. 8; Almagest II. 6. 24). It may have had some special role in the surveying process. 

36 Rivet and Smith, op. cit. 379-80. They follow K. Jackson (Britannia I, 1 970, 75) for this derivation. 

37 Rivet and Smith, op. cit. 355-57. Ebuor is an old problem for Celtic specialists; Welsh efwr, its 
descendant, means 'cow-parsnip', or 'tare', not a tree at all, though the Irish for 'yew' is iubar. However, 
the Welsh is iw (so also the old name for the Kenmore River in Ireland was Iwerene - 'Yew-tree River', 
hence probably Ivemia for Ireland). Sometimes Eboracum is simply left as the 'palace or estate (- aco) 
of one Eboros.' But another tree-species may be behind the name; evor (Breton) means the 'black alder' 
(alnus frangula), K. Jackson, ( 1 970, 73-74). This tree is often found with alder and birch in waterlogged 
conditions and on stream sides; a small tree with birch-like bark, H. L. Edlin, Trees, Woods and Man 
(Collins, 1 956, 77; 22 1 ) (alder buckthorn). This might solve the mystery of the tree species behind the 
name especially if the River Foss was known as the black alder stream, from a tree that is often 
overlooked. 

38 ibid. 333-34. Their accompanying map shows well how many such oak-tree rivers (Derwent, 
Darent, Dart) there are in northern and western Britain. 


ROUTE I IN ROMAN BRITAIN 


63 


Delgouicia/Dervovicia - Malton ('The Thorn-bush region', or Oak Tree Region ') 39 

Praetorio/Petuaria - Brough-on-Humber. ( Praetor's tent', Headquarters building', but a cor- 
ruption of Celtic, Petuaria a fourth of the tribe ). 40 

It is noteworthy that six of these toponyms are of rivers (hydronyms), four of which in turn 
are derived from the predominant tree type along their course. Trees are generally a major 
source of river-names in Britain as are other main characteristics of rivers . 41 This tends to 
confirm that the doubtful cases are correct. Some of the names are derived from the tribes' 
social institutions or divisions, and these again are what might be expected . 42 There has been 
a high rate of survival of the Celtic names, five of the ten for the towns and a further two for 
the river-names. In the case of three the names have completely changed, and for the last two 
this has contributed to the difficulty experienced in their location. It is, however, not unlikely 
that Delgouicia/Devovicia too has its origin in the woodlands of the River Derwent. The Dark 
Age kingdom of Deire/Deora probably took its name from it , 43 as also Dere St., which is 
practically the after-life' of Route I in Britain, as well as the road from Bemicia to Deira, the 
two halves of Northumbria. 


Acknowledgement 

Jill Wilson kindly drew Figure 1 . 


39 ibid. 331-32. Rivet and Smith consider mainly the root delg, 'thorn' for the first element, and three 
possibilities for the second (uic/wig - 'wood, forest’; -uices 'fighters’, uic - village; settlement’). But if 
the root is really derv, it suits the site on the River Derwent, and the oak-tree’ river would naturally 
have forest nearby. This could be a rare instance where the version in Ravennas is nearer to the original 
than the text of Antonine Itinerary; for another instance of this, Etocetum/Lectocetum, Rivet and Smith, 
op. cit. 323. 

40 Rivet and Smith, op. cit. 155-57; 443. At p. 156 they list a handful of places called Praetorium, all 
in the Itinerary. Creighton finds this explanation ’unlikely’, but gives no reasons (1988, 396). 

41 For the Celtic words for trees giving their names to rivers see E. Ekwall, English River Names, 
Oxford, 1928, lii. Among them are lemo 'elm'; onno 'ash'; dervo oak'; col 'hazel'; uemo 'alder'; ebor 
'yew/black alder’? On our route river-names are also characterised by 'rapids’ (cataracts) and 'noise' 
(bremo). 

42 Indicating social institutions are hosting-place' (coria); 'Fourth-part of a tribe’ (petouaria); 'Place of 
Horseman/Epios (Epiacum). 

43 J. G. F. Hind, Forest-names in Yorkshire’, Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies 28, 1980, 547-52. 
We may note that Darimagus Oak-tree Field', was the name of a monastery in Ireland, Bede, Hist. 
Eccles 3.4. Bede adds that in the Irish language it was Deormach. 


64 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


Yorkshire Archaeological Journal 79, 2007 


65 


CATTERICK METAL DETECTING PROJECT 

1997-1999 

WITH AN APPENDIX ON 1993 EVALUATION EXCAVATIONS SOUTH 
OF BAINESSE (SITE 506) AND WITHIN THE SUBURB OF 
CA TARA CT ONIUM NORTH OF THE RIVER SWALE (SITE 511) 

By R.J. Brickstock, P.A. Cardwell, P.A. Busby, H.E.M. Cool,J.P. Huntley, 

J. Evans, P. Makey, D. Ronan and P.R. Wilson 

Three seasons of fieldwork undertaken jointly by metal detectorists and archaeologists 
recovered material from a site near Cataractonium Roman forts and 'small town ' and the 
Bainesse Roman roadside settlement some 2 km to the south following raids by 'nighthawks' . 
Significant finds of military equipment and coins from Bainesse add to and modify our 
understanding of that site. In addition results from tw>o evaluations undertaken in 1993 are 
presented - one within the northern suburb of Cataractonium and one south of Bainesse, 
the former providing new data on the latest structures within the suburb and section across 
Dere Street, and the latter demonstrating the existence of multiple phases of structures 
lining Dere Street. 

ARCHAEOLOGICAL BACKGROUND 

Catterick is well known as the site of a sequence of Roman forts, the associated first to 
second-century vicus and later Roman ‘small town’ of Cataractonium (Hildyard 1957; 
Burnham and Wacher 1990, 1 1 1-17; Wilson 2002a; 2002b) , located where Dere Street crosses 
the River Swale. The campaigns of excavation undertaken by Professor Wacher (Wilson 
2002a, 46-138) , English Heritage and its successor bodies (Wilson 2002a, 185-231 ) , and by 
various organisations as a result of PPG1 6 planning requirements (for example; Moloney et 
al 2003; NAA 2002-3; 2003; 2004 and p. 1 36-37 - below) Cataractonium and its immediate 
environs represent one of the most extensively explored Roman ‘small towns’ in Britain. In 
addition the Roman roadside settlement at Bainesse some 2 km south along Dere Street has 
been the focus for extensive work (Wilson 2002a, 139-185; Busby etal 1996; along with 
various unpublished PPG16-inspired projects) . (Fig. 1 ) 

PROJECT BACKGROUND 

Following reports of nighthawking (illegal metal detecting) activity in the Catterick area, 
and in particular attacks on the Roman roadside settlement site at Bainesse, a group of metal 
detectorists, in co-operation with the landowners, approached the North Yorkshire County 
Heritage Unit and English Heritage with a view to developing a project designed to record 
material in the plough-zone on the site and forestall further attacks. Following discussions it 
was agreed that English Heritage would hind archaeological recording of a limited project to 
remove material in the modem plough-zone, as an experiment to see if this would reduce 
illicit activity. Two areas were chosen, one at Bainesse and the second south of Cataractonium 
(Scheduled Monument 34733) . The Bainesse site was at the time of the project not subject 


66 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 



Catterick Bridge 


Metal detecting 
survey area 


Catterick 


Metal detecting 
1 survey area 


Cataractonium 

\ 

•990 " 


Site 511 


Brompton-on-Swale 


•980 


970 


1000m 


This map is based upon the OS map by English Heritage with the 
permission of Ordnance Survey on behalf of The Controller of Her 
Majesty's Stationery Office, © Crown copyright. All rights reserved. 
Unauthorised reproduction infringes Crown Copyright and may lead 
to prosecution or civil proceedings. Licence Number: 100019088, 



ERL 


Fig. 1 — The Catterick/Bainesse area showing the locations of the survey areas and Sites 506 and 511. 


CATTERICK 


67 


to statutory protection, although it has since been Scheduled (SM 34734) (Fig. 1) 

Three seasons of recording were undertaken. The management driven aims relating to the 
impact of illicit metal detecting were supplemented by academic and managerial aims, in 
particular: 

Further characterisation of the Bainesse Roman roadside settlement and the extra- 
mural area south Cataractonium, thereby complement the data incorporated in 
the, then ongoing, Catterick publication project (Wilson 2002a; 2002b) and the 
results of the 1993-4 A1 Motorway Evaluation project (Busby etal\996; Wilson et 
al 1994; see also Appendix 1 for 1993 work at Bainesse); 

Informing the assessment of the Bainesse area with respect to proposals for 

statu tory protection, and 

Informing the future management of both areas with respect to their heritage 
value, including strengthening the landowners understanding of the importance of 
the Historic Environment assets located on their land. 

Specific objectives of the project included: 

Adding to the know archaeological data for the Catterick area; 

Recovery of the full range of non-modem metal objects; 

Recovery of the full range of ceramics and other material susceptible to fieidwalking; 

Protecting archaeological data that would otherwise be lost to illicit metal detect 
ing or continued agricultural attrition; 

Providing comparative data for similar projects elsewhere, notably the English 
Heritage-funded Owmby, Lincolnshire project (McAvoy 2002) ; 

Provide information on the recovery rates of different metal detectors in different 
field conditions, and 

Developing co-operation between the metal detecting community, archaeologists 
and landowners was regarded as a key objective in the light of the (then) recendy 
introduced Treasure Act 1996. 

The project was developed as ajoint inidadve between the local metal detectorists, North- 
ern Archaeological Associates (NAA) , working with funding from the (then) English Herit- 
age Archaeology Commissions budget and the (then) English Heritage Central Archaeology 
Service (CAS) - NAA would undertake the initial location and recording of the metal 
detected finds and field-walked material and CAS would provide specialist input. 

During the analytical phase of the project the relationship of the results to our developing 
knowledge of the Bainesse site suggested that it would be useful to include the summary 
results of the 1993-4 Al Evaluation excavations at Bainesse as an Appendix (Appendix la) . 
On reviewing the archaeological outcomes of the 1993-4 work it appeared clear that publi- 
cation of the summary results of the evaluations undertaken on the north bank of the Swale 
on the line of Dere Street would also be of value (Appendix lb). Reports on the sites 
investigated in the 1993-4 project are held with the project archive in the Yorkshire Mu- 
seum (Accession Numbers: YORYM: 1995.4503 [for Site 506];YORYM: 1995.4509 [for 
Site 511]) and in the North Yorkshire County Council Historic Environment Record (HER) . 


68 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 



Fig. 2 - Bainesse survey areas. 


CATTERICK 


69 


METHODOLOGY AND METHODOLOGICAL RESULTS 

Three seasons of metal detecting by volunteer metal detectorists on transects at 5 m 
intervals were undertaken at Bainesse (1997-1999) (centred SE 4242 4970) (Fig2) and two 
to the south of the Scheduled Monument of Cataractomum (in 1997 and 1998) (centred SE 
4228 4986) (Fig. 3) . On the latter site the results from the first season demonstrated too low 
a level of recovery of diagnostic material (as opposed to undated/ undiagnostic scraps) to 
justify further work. In all three years all the metal detected finds were individually plotted 
with an Electronic Distance Meter (EDM) . 

The project design for the 1998 season included an experimental metal detector survey of 
stubble fields at Bainesse. 

In 1997 and 1999 no systematic fieldwalking was undertaken, the detectorists and the 
archaeologist with the Electronic Distance Measurer (EDM) sporadically collecting non- 
metal material as time allowed. In 1998 a structured programme of fieldwalking, using the 
same transects as the metal detectorists, was undertaken with a view to recovering data 
complimentary to that from the metal detecting survey. 

This report will concentrate principally on the archaeological results, primarily the assem- 
blages produced by the project, although significant methodological outcomes will be sum- 
marised. 

By agreement with the landowners the metal detected finds from the project were returned 
to the finders following study. This is in contrast with current English Heritage policy 
(English Heritage 2006) under which, subject to the Provisions of the Treasure Act (1996) 
and recognising that all other material is legally the property of the landowner, all material 
discovered in the course of an English Heritage-funded or approved project should normally 
be acquired for the public benefit for deposition in a publicly accessible museum/ reposi- 
tory. 

THE SURVEY RESULTS 

Metal-detected Finds 

In 1997 casual fieldwalking by the archaeological team and collection by the metal- 
detectorists produced 1 13 non-metallic finds at Bainesse and 1673 at the Racecourse Field. 
The systematic fieldwalking at Bainesse in 1998 produced 4531 ceramic finds, with a fur- 
ther 24 pieces of ceramic material deriving from the period of the metal detecting campaign 
in 1999. 

At Bainesse, as might be expected, there was greater concentration of material to the 


Site 

Year 

Metal-Detecting 

Number of 

Recovery Finds 



Person-Days 

Metal Finds 

per Person-Day 

Bainesse 

1997 

21 

667 

31.76 


1998 

43 

559 

13 


1999 

24 

181 

7.54 

Racecourse 

1997 

8.5 

125 

14.7 


Table 1. Quantities of metal-detected finds recovered by season and person-day 


70 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 



pig 3 _ Racecourse survey area showing extent of Scheduled Monument in 1998 


CATTERICK 


71 


north, west and south of the current farm buildings and extending along the line of Dere 
Street, that is largely coincident with the known areas of setdement (Wilson 1994, 21-2, 19- 
23; 2002a, 31-33, 139-85) and incorporadng the area now protected as a Scheduled Monu- 
ment (SM 34734) . The distribution of finds from the Racecourse Field was more even, 
although with the suggestion of a somewhat denser concentration on the northern side 
towards the scheduled area of Cataractonium (SM 34733) . 

Methodological Results 

Metal detecting 

The three seasons of survey at Catterick, and in particular at Bainesse have provided some 
insights into the potential and limitations of metal detecting, as well as contributing to our 
understanding of the archaeology of the area (for the latter please see below - p. 103-8) . 
However the results of the metal detecting survey should be read in the context of the 
recently published English Heritage Portable Antiquities Policy (English Heritage 2006) 
that would demand a more rigorous approach both to the recording of material and to 
retention and disposal strategies than was adopted during this project. While the sites 
investigated were at the time unprotected, and metal detecting, with the landowners consent 
would have been perfectly legal, in supporting a project now English Heritage would usually 
expect that the resulting assemblages would, subject to the landowners agreement and the 
provisions of the Treasure Act (1996), be deposited in a publicly accessible archive for 
benefit of future researchers. 

Whilst the fields at Bainesse were generally covered in north-south transects, an 
east-west pattern was also used immediately north, west and south of the farm. This demon- 
strated that transects on different alignments would continue to pick up finds on areas 
previously detected, albeit in lower numbers. With respect to the archaeological results this 
will also introduce a slight weighting of the finds density in such areas. There are two 
potential explanations for this continued retrieval of finds from detected areas, both relate 
to the speed and sweep pattern of detectorists (Fig. 4) . 

At Bainesse the depths at which metal detected finds were located were recorded 
during the 1 997 survey and indicated that nearly all of the finds were deriving from the top 
0. 15 m of modern ploughsoil. Observations of the cultivation processes on the site indicated 
that the plough-depth was 0.30 m. As the recovery of finds did not go below the plough soil 
and interfere with in situ deposits finds depth recording was not undertaken in 1998 and 
1999. 


Results from the resurvey in 1998 by detectorists of 1 .4 ha of stubble in an area 
detected in 1997 were relatively unproductive, with approximately 1 1 finds being recovered 
by seven detectorists in an hour. This suggests that most finds had been removed from the 
detectable depth of ploughsoil in the previous season, although the height of the stubble may 
have had an adverse effect on the depth capabilities of the metal detectors. 

A further constraint on the effectiveness of the metal detectorists was observed at 
the southern end of the area surveyed at Bainesse, when the area had been ploughed, but not 
rolled. The uneven nature of the ground interfered with signal response and as a conse- 


72 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


Direction of travel 

A 




Cone of detection Undetected areas 


Side view showing area of detection 
versus undetected areas 


Plan view of detector sweep pattern 

Fig. 4 - Metal-detector sweep pattern and detection profile. 

quence the area produced few finds, although it ought to be noted that this might reflect the 
relative remoteness of the area from the known core of the settlement. However the metal 
detectorists involved suggested that the greater the length of time a field was allowed to 
setde, removing excess air, the greater possibility they had of getting an improved signal. 

Broadly similar numbers of metal detected finds were recovered over the two com- 
parable seasons (1997 and 1998) at Bainesse, but when the number of person-days in each 
year is taken into account there was a reduction in finds per person per day of some 30% in 
1998. This can be taken to suggest that the first season had gone some way to removing the 
recoverable archaeological resource from the plough zone. This figure can only be approxi- 
mate due to the time spent on surveying the unproductive stubble and unrolled ploughed 
areas in the second season, coupled with a greater element of ‘discriminating-out’ of lead in 
1998. 


Even if the latter two points are of some significance it would suggest that, at least 
if theory, it ought to be possible to largely ‘sterilise’ the modern ploughzone on selected sites, 
assuming that cultivation over the site could be managed so as to prevent new material being 
brought into the plough zone. That having been said, it is far from clear how many seasons 
this might take, nor what the effect of different cultivation regimes might be. Obviously such 
an approach would not provide any defence against determined ‘nighthawks’ willing to 
damage underlying intact archaeological deposits. 

Fieldwalking 

As with the metal detected material the greatest concentration of non-metal finds at 
Bainesse was found around the farm buildings, with a noticeable concentration of ceramic 


CATTERICK 


73 



Resurveyed 
stubble area 


Marne Barracks 


Area of 
increased 
tractor activity 


Waterlogged 


Area of unrolled 
ploughing 


This map is based upon the OS map by English Heritage with the 
permission of Ordnance Survey on behalf of The Controller of Her 
Majesty's Stationery Office, © Crown copyright. All rights reserved. 
Unauthorised reproduction infringes Crown Copyright and may lead 
to prosecution or civil proceedings. Licence Number: 100019088. 


250m 


Fig. 5 - Total Bainesse finds distribution showing areas where ground conditions 
were problematic in 1998. 


74 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


material immediately to the south of the buildings. Areas of extensive machine ruts/ fracking 
resulted in reduced numbers of finds from the areas affected. The fieldwalkers experienced 
similar problems to those encountered by the metal detectorists in the ploughed but un- 
rolled southern area at the Bainesse site, with noticeably reduced numbers of finds, although 
again the possibly peripheral location may also have been a factor. 

Weather conditions also had a noticeable impact on retrieval rates. One of die days 
with the most variable weather coincided with walking of the densest area of finds to the 
south of Bainesse. Opdmum visibility condidons occurred in the early morning with a thin 
fog which retained ground moisture and allowed an even diffuse light to penetrate. The 
results of this appear on Figure 5, with a dense strip of finds approximately 30 m wide 
running down the field towards the rough ploughed area. As die fog burnt off die low raking 
sunlight interfered with visibility and the finds numbers reduced accordingly. Strong sun- 
light combined with the fixed orientation of the transects often led to fieldwalkers facing 
into the sun or peering into shadow, both of which reduced visibility and hence will have 
influenced finds retrieval. 

Undertaking the fieldwalking survey intermittendy over an extended period as a 
result of the need for the work to be carried out as the fields were culdvated may also have 
impacted on recovery patterns. 

THE FINDS 

The coins by R.J. Brickstock 
Roman coins 

This report considers a total of 428 coins; 412 from the Bainesse area some 2.5 km south 
of the Roman town, and the remaining 16 from the Racecourse Field. This is a very signifi- 
cant addidon to the 50 coins previously recovered from these localides through excavadon 
(41 from Site 46, Bainesse; and 9 from Site 273, Catterick Racecourse; Brickstock 2002) . Of 
those from Bainesse 321 were Roman, 85 were medieval or modern and 6 were completely 
illegible, while from the Racecourse 1 1 were Roman, 4 were medieval or modern and 1 was 
completely illegible. 

Cumulatively the Bainesse assemblage is now large enough to permit meaningful statisti- 
cal comparison with other numismatic assemblages from Catterick and elsewhere, which 
the Site 46 finds alone were not. 

The recent volumes on Roman Catterick and its hinterland (Wilson 2002a; 2002b) in- 
cluded detailed publication of some 1214 site finds from Catterick and its environs, an 
assemblage which was roughly split between intramural and extramural finds (totals of 576 
and 595 coins, respectively; Brickstock 2002, 1 7) . This provided die opportunity for com- 
parison between numismatic finds from within Roman Catterick itself and finds from its 
suburbs. With the addition of the present finds, we are in a position to separate out three 
distinct assemblages: the intramural finds (Sites 433 and 452; total still 576) ; the extramural 
finds from the suburbs of the town (Sites 240, 251, 273, 434 and REG 1970; total now 61 1 
with the inclusion of the 16 current Racecourse finds) ; and the more distant finds (453 horn 


CATT ERICK 


75 


Bainesse and 2 from RAF Catterick; total 454) . 

For ease of comparison with other categories of finds, full coin catalogues are presented 
ordered according to small finds number, while summaries in chronological order are also 
included to facilitate numismatic analysis. Histograms (Fig. 6) summarizes the Roman finds 
from the Bainesse area over the three seasons (finds from the Racecourse being too few to 
merit graphical treatment) , while Figure 7 represents the combined Roman finds from 
Bainesse (i.e. including both the 1997-9 metal detected finds and the Site 46 excavation 
finds) . Figure 7 may be compared with similar histograms representing intramural and 
extramural finds at Roman Catterick itself (Brickstock 2002, figs. 232 and 236, respec- 
tively; redrawn here as Figures 8 and 9, respectively) . Figure 7 may similarly be compared 
with Figure 10, which represents all the Catterick monograph sites (a re-drawing of Brickstock 
2002, fig. 238) , while Figure 1 1 adds the present finds to those of the monograph. 

In purely statistical terms the current finds provide a very welcome addition to the exist- 
ing assemblage. However, caution must be exercised in the use of the new data since the 
general value of metal detected finds relative to those recovered through conventional exca- 
vation has yet to be fully assessed. 

As a general comment, while excavation remains the only way to provide stratified dating 
evidence specific to particular features, one might expect systematic metal detecting to 
provide a reasonable picture of (at least the upper levels of) the overall occupation sequence 
of the site investigated. The picture obtained through metal de tec ting would be dependent 
on various considerations, not least the effective depth of the instruments in use; the depth 
of stratigraphy at the particular site; and the level of disturbance of the site (particularly 
whether and how frequendy the site had been ploughed, and to what depth) . Each of these 
variables might be expected to introduce into the assemblage an element of bias, and, al- 
though some allowance may be made for such anUcipated elements, we will require a consid- 
erable number of such assemblages before the level of bias can be accurately quantified. 

However, the organized metal detector survey at Catterick undoubtedly produced valu- 
able numismadc data. Nonetheless, there was a danger that the method of recovery might 
have introduced various readily-observable biases into the Catterick data, perhaps the most 
important being the five categories oudined below: 

Firstly, it is possible that some detectorists may be more interested in the larger, 
more attractive and better preserved coins, so that their coin collections would be biased 
against the smaller, perhaps heavily corroded coins that form such a large element of most 
site assemblages - and in this respect they might be expected to match the distribudon 
observed in the collections and published lists of some early excavators and antiquarians. 
However, this is not true of the various coin lists made available to the author by reputable 
detectorists (e.g. for Aldborough, for which see Wilson 2000b, figs. 240-42), and it is not 
certainly not true of scientific projects such as the present one. 

Secondly, if the site presents any depth of undisturbed stratigraphy it would be 
reasonable to anticipate an over-representation of the uppermost surviving layers, since the 
signal from the metal detector penetrates to only a limited depth. This would seem to be an 
unavoidable reality - and comparison between excavated and metal detected assemblages 


76 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 



Fig. 6 - Roman coins from 1997-99 fieldwork at Bainesse - histogram showing annual 
coin loss (per 1000 coins). 


must simply make allowance for it. In the current assemblage, therefore, we should not be 
surprised to find an apparent over-representation of both post-Roman and later Roman 
coinage in comparison to the earlier Roman issues. 

Thirdly, it might be anticipated that small, corroded lumps of metal (of the sort that 
might easily be missed by fieldwalkers or excavators) might nonetheless be recovered by 
metal detectors. This might lead us to predict the recoveiy of an unusually high proportion 
of very small coinage, specifically the smaller third- and fourth-century copies and the coin- 
age of the House of Theodosius (AD 388-402) : previous advances in excavation technique, 
specifically the introduction of sieving during excavation, certainly had this effect. 

Fourthly, we might also expect to encounter distortions in the record at the furthest 
vertical extent of the metal detecting signal. For example, where the depth of stratigraphy is 
such that the second/early-third centuries represent that vertical boundary, one might ex- 
pect to observe an over-representation of the larger brass small change ( sestertii , dupondii 
and asses) reladve to the smaller and lighter denarii Here, of course, the trick will be to work 
out where that horizon lies and to make due allowance for it: perhaps easier said than done! 

Finally, it is also necessary to balance this potential bias against the effects of the 
(perhaps repeated) ploughing that might well have preceded fieldwalking and survey. One 


CATTERICK 


77 



Years AD 


Fig. 7 - Roman coins from 1997-99 fieldwork at Bainesse and incorporating the Site 46 
excavation finds - histogram showing annual coin loss (per 1000 coins). 


might reasonably anticipate the result of ploughing to be a general mixing of the upper 
layers, perhaps combined with under-representation of the larger coins (that might be ex- 
pected to sink more readily through uncompacted soil) . 

Somewhat surprisingly, none of these expectations (other than the presence of quantities 
of medieval and modem coinage) are borne out in the assemblage under consideration: the 
metal detected finds contain no Theodosian coinage (in interesting contrast to earlier exca- 
vations) ; they contain numerous Gallic Empire coins (260-273+) , but no copies of smaller 
than 10 mm in diameter; and, if anything, second- and third-century silver is over-repre- 
sented relative to brass (for the possible significance of which, see below) . 

Furthermore, graphical presentation (Figs. 6 and 7) reveals sufficient general similarity 
between the present finds and the previous composite site list (Fig. 10) to suggest that the 
metal detecting technique is indeed providing an accurate picture of the overall occupation 
sequence of the areas invesdgated. Thus we are acquiring data not only in quantity but also 
of some quality, lending weight to the view that this method of investigation (fieldwork 
coupled with metal detection) deserves to be used more widely. 

In the overview of the coin finds from Catterick up to 1997 (Brickstock 2002, 17-23) , the 
pattern of coin recovery at Catterick was discussed relative to the observed regional norm 
(for which see e.g. Brickstock 2000a, fig. 21 ) . Although there was a broad correspondence 



78 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


between Catterick and the north-east as a whole, two particular points stood out: firstly, a 
relative lack, at Catterick, of finds prior to the mid-third century; and an unexpectedly-high 
peak for the period of Carausius and Allectus (AD 286-96). The former, it was postulated, 
was perhaps to be explained in terms of relatively light occupation prior to c. AD 260 of the 
areas under examination; while the latter was readily-explainable if the Catterick Bypass 
finds (Site 433; Lig. 8) were agreed to contain one or more hoards of Carausian date. 

The Bainesse finds (Ligs. 6 and 7) , with the exception of the early Llavian period (AD 68- 
81 ) , appeal' to demonstrate a pattern of finds not dissimilar to the regional norm, i.e. a rather 
stronger early presence than the intra-mural finds from Catterick itself (Lig. 8) and a much 
stronger presence than the extra-mural finds (Lig. 9) . Indeed, it should be noted that the 
pattern of finds recovered from Bainesse site (Lig. 7) bears a much closer correspondence to 
the intra-mural site list for Catterick (Lig. 8) than it does to the extra-mural sites so far 
investigated (Lig. 9). 

It also appeal s that the overall distribution at Bainesse differs from that of Catterick itself 
(Fig. 10) in having yielded a rather greater proportion of earlier (i.e. Vespasianic through to 
mid-third-century) finds, and thus a correspondingly lower proportion of Carausian and 
fourth-cen tury finds - and in respect of the earlier finds (though not the later) , Bainesse 
therefore demonstrates a greater similarity to the observed regional norm than does Catterick 
itself. 


It may be that the higher proportion of earlier finds at Bainesse is a difference more 
apparent than real. It has been suggested (Brickstock 2002, 2 1 ) that die relative lack of early 



Years AD 


Fig. 8 - Roman coins from intra-mural sites at Catterick (a re-drawing of Brickstock 2002, fig. 232) - 
histogram showing annual coin loss (per 1000 coins). 



CATT ERICK 


79 



t- CNJ 

Years AD 


Fig. 9 - Roman coins from extra-mural sites at Catterick (a re-drawing of Brickstock 2002, fig. 236)- 
histogram showing annual coin loss (per 1000 coins). 


coins amongst the intra-mural finds might be explainable in terms of relatively light occupa- 
tion prior to c. AD 260 of the areas under examination: thus there is no obviously-signifi- 
cant Flavian peak perhaps simply because the area which may encompass a Flavian fort has 
yet to be thoroughly investigated. 

With respect to the intra-mural areas of Cataractoniumwe have no direct evidence for 
occupation before c. AD 80 (though that is not to say that the evidence is not there to be 
found) . We do, however, have coin evidence consistent with occupation beginning in the 
early AD 80s (and maybe earlier) : the earliest little-wom coin is Flavian (one very early coin 
of Vespasian issued in AD 70, as well as three of Domitian from the 90s (81-96; 85-96; 89-96) 
and one of Nerva (96-98). It is, of course, impossible to sayjust how long a ‘slightly worn’ 
coin had been in circulation before deposition, but the elapse of only a few years seems 
likely. 

By contrast the earliest litde-worn coin from Bainesse is Trajanic (and late Trajan, 114-17, 
at that) , the earlier coin being much more considerably worn -from which, in combination 
with the general shape of the Bainesse histogram, one might postulate a rather later founda- 
tion date (perhaps c. AD 100) were it not that other evidence apparendy suggests otherwise. 
In this context it is as well to remember the limitadons of our evidence, in that it is possible 
that the earliest levels were not reached or fully invesdgated. The survey did recover earlier 
coinage, albeit in rather smaller quan tides than might be expected from comparison with 



80 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


the regional norm, but all of it exhibits considerable wear: as such it is reasonable to catego- 
rize it as ‘residual’, i.e. belonging to later, probably second-century contexts, and to suggest 
that we are not actually seeing the first-century occupation levels at all in this coin assem- 
blage. 

A slightly curious feature of the earliest coin finds is the presence of four extremely worn 
republican issues (diree recovered from Bainesse and one from the Racecourse) . This would 
not in itself be remarkable, given that such coins appear in many other assemblages across 
the province (Aldborough, Piercebridge, Corbridge, to name but three) , but for the fact that 
these appear to be the first republican coins recovered anywhere in the Catterick area 
(including Scorton; Speed in prep a; in prep b) . Small numbers of republican coins appeal' 
to have remained in circulation for extraordinary lengths of time, surviving on occasion 
even into the third century (witness the Vindolanda 1999 purse hoard made up of issues of 
Mark Antony, Septimius Severus and Elagabalus and therefore covering the period 32 BC to 
AD 222; Brickstock 2000b) . 

It is not therefore immediately obvious that this element of the pattern of finds at Catterick 
is in anyway significant. Obsolete and otherwise worthless coins sometimes tended to 
gravitate towards shrines or temple complexes, as tentatively postulated at Bainesse (Wilson 
2002a, 185) - but this is unlikely to provide an explanation for the presence of republican 
denarii since they were generally struck from high-grade silver and so, although old, they 
were by no means of no value. 

At Catterick itself it is thought that the ‘Flavian’ fort lasted until c.120 and thatan ‘Antonine’ 
fort replaced it (in very round terms) c. AD160-C. 200, perhaps with a small Hadrianic and 
early Antonine garrison in the intervening period. The intra-mural finds for the whole of the 
period c. 96-160 are distincdy below the regional norm, but even so there is a noticeable 
slump in finds from the reign of Antoninus Pius (AD 138-61 ) , a pattern consistent with the 
postulated occupation sequence. This pattern is not, however, mirrored in the Bainesse 
finds, where the peaks for AD 96-161 are consistent with, or even above, the regional norm. 

What is less consistent widi the postulated sequence, however, is the lack of any noticeable 
peak for the AD 160s in the intra-mural finds, and the Bainesse finds also show a definite 
slump at this period. However, this need not cause undue concern since coin finds across 
the region are generally less plentiful than for the preceding period, despite this being a 
presumed period of rebuilding and reoccupation of military establishments in the aftermath 
of the abandonment of the Antonine Wall (an abandonment now quite generally held to 
belong to the AD 160s) . This particular element of the coin record should therefore, I think, 
be seen as a reflection of the general pattern of coin supply and circulation rather than as an 
indicator of local events. 

The peak for AD 260-75, represendng the ‘radiates’ and ‘radiate copies’, is at Bainesse 
even stronger than ‘normal’, much higher than that of the extra-mural sites (Fig. 9) , though 
only slighdy higher than that of the intra-mural sites (Fig. 8) . The Carausian peak is lower 
than that of Catterick Bypass (Site 433; Fig. 8) butsdll almost double the regional norm; 
while the fourth-century, from c. AD 330 onwards, mirrors and indeed exceeds the fall-off in 
finds demonstrated by the intra-mural sites reladve to the wider region. 

The presence of an abnormally high Carausian peak at Bainesse as well as within Catterick 


CATTERICK 


81 


itself perhaps indicates the suggestion of scattered hoard (s) hidden within the Site 433 finds 
(Brickstock 2002, 3) may not have been correct: rather, these peaks may suggest a period of 
particularly intensive coin use in these areas, conceivably to be connected with the founda- 
tion of the later fort. This would be not be inconsistent with the pottery evidence, which 
suggests a late-third- or early fourth-century foundation date for this fort (perhaps tied in 
also with consUaiction of the town defenses) . 

In the early decades of the fourth century there is little difference to note between the 
pattern of finds on the intramural sites (Fig. 8) and Bainesse (Figs. 6 and 7), and this is 
perhaps the only period when there is a noticeable similarity with the exU amural histogram 
(Fig. 9) . This has less to do with Bainesse than the sometimes anomalous nature of the 
various extramural sites. As has already been commented, the pattern of finds at Catterick 
(Figs 10 and 11), despite a relative paucity of first/ second-century coins, corresponds closely 
to the region as a whole (Fig. 6) : for example, from the mid-third century onwards Catterick 
looks essentially similar to Aldborough with the exception of the Carausian period dis- 
cussed above. 

The finds from the extramural sites (Fig. 9) , by contrast, are lower than elsewhere at 
Catterick prior to c. AD 300 but significantly higher throughout the whole of the fourth 
century. This may have little to do with the different functions of the areas investigated since 
it appears increasingly likely that the patterns of coin supply and circulation in the north are 



Years AD 


Fig. 10 - Roman coins Catterick monograph sites (a re-drawing of Brickstock 2002, fig. 238) - 
histogram showing annual coin loss (per 1000 coins). 






Annual loss per 1000 coins 


82 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


40 


30 


20 


10 


0 


Fig. 1 1 - Roman coins from 1997-99 fieldwork incorporated with those from the Catterick 
monographs sites (see Fig. 10) - histogram showing annual coin loss (per 1000 coins). 

so dominated by the military presence that the distinctions between types of site identifiable 
in southern Britain assemblages (e.g. between urban/rural, secular/ religious, intramural/ 
extramural, etc.) are rarely apparent in our region (Brickstock, 2005) . Rather, the perceived 
differences are likely to reflect either the chronological development of the various parts of 
the site or an element of bias in the finds introduced by the particular pattern of survey and 
excavation - and, in this case, the latter provides at least a partial explanation: investigation 
of Site 434 concentrated on the upper layers only, so that it is not surprising that activity 
associated with the second-century defences of the northern suburbs is not visible in the 
coin assemblage; while Site 240 (where the finds were predominantly late-third and fourth- 
century, indicating intensive coin-use throughout the fourth century) was some way outside 
the earlier defensive line. 

For the middle and later fourth century, Catteiick as a whole appears to be lacking in high- 
grade silver issues, coins that might indicate either a local military presence during that 
period (resulting in the supply and circulation of precious metal currency) or a still-vibrant 
local monetary economy, or indeed both. Siliquae of the Houses of Constantine and 
Valentinian have been recovered from a number of sites in the region, including York, 
Aldborough, Piercebridge, Corbridge and Vindolanda, though they are absent from various 
other sites such as Catterick, Housesteads and Newcasde. However, these presences and 
absences may arguably be the result of chance, since relatively small numbers of coins are 
involved (some five reduced siliquae having been recovered from Vindolanda and a similar 


Catterick and environs, all sites 
N = 1405 



T- C\| 

Years AD 


00 

CD N- 

00 CO 


388-402 



CATT ERICK 


83 


number from Aldborough, in assemblages roughly comparable in size to Catterick) . 

It is suggested above that metal detecting should, if anything, lead to an over-representa- 
tion of the copper coinage of the later fourth century (relative to the quantity recovered 
through excavation) simply because it is of small module and thus easily overlooked by 
excavators. It is therefore interesting that we have a complete absence ofTheodosian coin- 
age recovered from Bainesse by either excavation or metal detection, in contrast with the 
situation pertaining at Catterick itself, where the late-fourth-century presence at both the 
intramural and extramural sites adequately reflects the regional norm (though one should 
perhaps note that the absolute numbers of coins involved are no greater than those of the 
siliquae discussed above) . 

The Bainesse assemblage is now of sufficient size that a complete lack ofTheodosian 
coinage begins to appear statistically significant. The excavated (Site 46) finds reached no 
further than the 340s, but both seasons of metal detection produced later Constantinianic 
issues (of the 340s and 350s) as well as coins of the House of Valentinian (AD 364-78) 
running down to the mid-370s. The proportion ofValentinianic coin is, however, lower than 
at Catterick itself (which might in turn be described as ‘normal’ relative to the north-east as 
a whole). 

Accordingly, although we appear to have discovered at Bainesse a settlement that was both 
long-lived and of considerable archaeological importance in its own right, its coin-using 
days (at least in the part under investigation) appear to have ended in the 370s, significantly 
earlier than at many other sites in the region. The pottery sequence at Bainesse appears to 
end even earlier than the coinage, but this poses no particular problem, since the metal 
detected coinage was recovered from rather different areas. It should perhaps be noted that 
the 1966 excavations at RAF Catterick (Wilson, 2002a, 232-4) investigated a villa-like build- 
ing only some 300m east of Dere Street at Bainesse, a building constructed possibly in the 
late third or early fourth century which continued in use into the late fourth century at least: 
late fourth-century pottery was recovered, and two fourth-century coins, one a Theodosian 
issue of 383-87. 

Post-Roman coins 

Appreciable quantities of post-Roman coinage were recovered in each season, the finds 
presenting no surprises and falling, as is normal in north-east England, into three rough 
categories: medieval silver; seventeenth-century small change, normally Scottish; and mod- 
ern English small change from William III through to Elizabeth II. 

There were no Saxon coins, the medieval finds beginning with ‘short-cross’ issues of the 
thirteenth century (i.e. Henry III and the equivalent Scottish issues) and continuing, as 
might be expected, with Edwardian silver pennies and various issues of the Tudor and 
Stuart monarchs, in particular Elizabeth I. Seventeenth-century Scottish 2d pieces (‘turn- 
ers’) are common finds throughout the north-east, Catterick proving no exception to the 
rule: clearly such issues circulated widely, no doubt due in part to the movements of armies 
during the Civil War period. The later small change includes a number of coins of George III 
(though only one of the ‘cartwheel’ issues so frequently brought into museums for identifica- 
tion) , and various small denominations running through to the early 1960s. Decimal cur- 
rency is, however, entirely absent. 


84 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


Summary coin lists 

These lists follow Brickstock (2004) figure 6 with the ‘location’ field removed, as for the 
purposes of this paper the exact grid reference is superfluous. The full catalogue data 
(Brickstock 2004, fig. 2) for each coin are in the archive. 


BAINESSE 


SFNO 

RULER 

DATE 

DENOM CATALOG 

CONDIT 

732 

M. ANTONIUS 

32-31 BC 

DEN 

CRAW 544 

EW/EW 

808 

M. ANTONIUS 

32-31 BC 

DEN 

CRAW 544 

EW/EW 

3310 

M. ANTONIUS 

32-31 BC 

DEN 

CRAW 544 

EW/EW 

825 

VESPASIAN/TITUS 

69-81 

AS 

- 

VW/EW 

12381 

VESPASIAN 

70 

DEN 

5 

VW/VW 

4436 

VESPASIAN 

72-73 

DEN 

43 

w/vw 

38 

NERVA (hybrid) 

97 

DEN 

Obv. as 13, Rev. 24 

w/w 

4060 

TRAJAN 

98-117 

AS 

as 492 

C/C 

263 

TRAJAN 

103-11 

DEN 

131 

w/w 

440 

TRAJAN 

103-11 

DEN 

121 

w/w 

3093 

TRAJAN 

103-11 

SEST 

as 492 

?w/w 

301 

TRAJAN 

114-17 

DEN 

344 

sw/sw 

4392 

TRAJAN 

114-17 

SEST 

663 

sw/w 

826 

ILLEGIBLE C1ST/C2ND 

Clst/2nd 

QUAD 

- 

C/C 

7508 

ILLEGIBLE 

Clst/2nd 

AS 

- 

C/C 

12009 

ILLEGIBLE 

Clst/C2nd SEST 

- 

C/C 

64 

ILLEGIBLE C2ND FRAGMENT 

C2nd 

SEST 

- 

C/C 

4375 

probably TRAJAN-PIUS 

C2nd 

QUAD 

as Trajan 691 

EW/EW 

12037 

ILLEGIBLE 

C2nd 

DP/A S 

- 

C/C 

7337 

HADRIAN 

117-22 

SEST 

as 547ff. 

?vw/vw 

308 

HADRIAN 

117-28 

DP 

as 555 

w/w 

54 

HADRIAN 

117-38 

DP 

- 

vw/c 

4777 

HADRIAN 

117-38 

SEST 

- 

C/C 

12284 

HADRIAN 

117-38 

SEST 

- 

?w/c 

4016 

probably HADRIAN 

117-38 

AS 

as 579 

C/C 

42 

HADRIAN? 

117-38? 

AS 

- 

C/C 

843 

HADRIAN? 

117-38? 

AS 

- 

C/C 

12022 

HADRIAN 

118-22 

SEST 

as 563 

?w/w 

12261 

HADRIAN 

125-28 

QUAD 

689 

c/w 

165 

SABINA (HADRIAN) 

128-38 

DEN 

Hadrian 398 

w/w 

14 

HADRIAN 

132-34 

DEN 

220 

?w/w 

3287 

ANTONINUS PIUS 

138 

DEN 

7 

w/w 

4441 

probably ANTONINUS PIUS 

138-61 

DP 

- 

C/C 

35 

MARCUS AURELIUS, CAESAR 

140-61 

AS 

- 

?vw/c 

741 

FAUSTINA I, POSTH. 

141+ 

DEN 

A.Pius 343 

w/w 

48 

‘FAUSTINA I, POSTH.’ 

141+ 

DENpl 

c.of A.Pius 362 

w/w 

3101 

FAUSTINA II (ANT. PIUS) 

c. 147-61 

DP/A S 

A.Pius 1408/9 

?w/w 


CATTERICK 


85 


12426 

FAUSTINA II (ANT. PIUS) 

c. 147431 

DP/AS 

as Pius 1403 

W/W 

277 

ANTONINUS PIUS 

143-44 

DEN 

111 

w/w 

4551 

ANTONINUS PIUS 

152-53 

DEN 

222 

W/W 

4776 

ANTONINUS PIUS 

155-56 

DEN 

252 

w/w 

7150 

ANTONINUS PIUS 

159-60 

DEN 

301 

w/w 

12380 

FAUSTINA II (M.AURELIUS) 

161-75 

DEN 

M. Aurelius 688 

w/w 

78 

MARCUS AURELIUS/COMMODUS 

161-92 

SEST 

- 

C/C 

95 

LUCILLA (d. of AURELIUS) 

c. 164-69 

DEN 

M.Aurelius 781 

w/w 

507 

COMMODUS (with MARCUS) 

179-80 

DP 

292a, Hunter 45 

vw/vw 

40 

CRISPINA (COMMODUS) 

180-83 

DP/A S 

Commodus880 

vw/vw 

307 

COMMODUS? 

180-92? 

AS 

- 

?w/c 

70 

COMMODUS 

181-84 

DP 

as 337 

vw/vw 

12430 

COMMODUS 

192 

DEN 

236 

w/w 

4591 

SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS 

194-95 

DEN 

as 376A 

w/vw 

7066 

SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS 

195-98 

DEN 

as 69 

w/w 

12054 

CARACALLA 

201 

DEN 

54 

sw/sw 

7464 

CARACALLA 

201-06 

DEN 

144b 

sw/sw 

7361 

SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS 

202-10 

AS 

826 

vw/vw 

406 

GETA, CAESAR 

202 

DEN 

34 

w/w 

328 

GETA, CAESAR 

early 209 

DEN 

61 

sw/w 

4432 

IVLIA DOMNA (CARACALLA) 

211-17 

DEN 

Caracalla 373a 

uw/sw 

12227 

CARACALLA’ 

217+ 

ANTpl. 

c. of 293 

c/w 

147 

ILLEGIBLE EARLY C3RD 

early C3rd AS 

- 

C/C 

7465 

ELAGABALUS 

218-22 

DEN 

125 

sw/sw 

892 

SEVERUS ALEXANDER 

222-28 

DEN 

133 

w/w 

7400 

SEVERUS ALEXANDER 

227 

DEN 

65 

?w/sw 

4401 

‘ CARACAL LA/SEV. ALEX.’ 

228+ 

DEN’ 

obv. Caracalla 21 2ff 

?sw/sw 

93 

MAXIMINUS I 

235-36 

DEN 

12 

sw/sw 

7165 

GORDIAN III/TRAJAN DECIUS 

249+ 

ANT 

Obv as Gordian III 1 

uw/uw 

4082 

TREBONIANUS GALLUS 

251-53 

ANT 

42 

sw/w 

4008 

VALERIAN / GALLIENUS 

253-58 

ANT 

as 127 

w/w 

4113 

VALERIAN 

258-59 

ANT 

12 

w/w 

528 

GALLIENUS 

260-68 

ANT 

193 

w/w 

601 

GALLIENUS 

260-68 

ANT 

as210 

w/w 

4386 

GALLIENUS 

260-68 

ANT 

267 

sw/w 

4904 

GALLIENUS 

260-68 

ANT 

267 

w/w 

7059 

GALLIENUS 

260-68 

ANT 

267 

sw/sw 

7307 

GALLIENUS 

260-68 

ANT 

267 

sw/sw 

7472 

GALLIENUS 

260-68 

ANT 

233 

w/w 

12003 

GALLIENUS 

260-68 

ANT 

256 

w/w 

12207 

GALLIENUS 

260-68 

ANT 

157 

w/w 

12412 

GALLIENUS 

260-68 

ANT 

as 15 Iff. 

sw/sw 

891 

POSTUMUS 

259-68 

ANT 

as 89 

w/w 


86 

7451 

4237 

12242 

12425 

3393 

441 

581 

12414 

12202 

7308 

12135 

12134 

94 

117 

140 

425 

522 

576 

713 

728 

752 

755 

776 

778 

780 

1176 

1197 

4010 

4119 

4218 

4223 

4454 

4572 

7003 

7100 

7167 

7168 

7174 

7301 

7365 

7370 

7380 

12052 

12063 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


POSTUMUS 

259-68 

ANT 

89 

WAV 

RADIATE 

260-73 

ANT 

as Claudius 18 

CAV 

RADIATE 

260-73 

ANT 

- 

C/C 

RADIATE 

260-73 

ANT 

- 

C/C 

RADIATE? 

260-73? 

ANT 

- 

C/C 

RADIATE 

260-73+ 

ANT 

- 

C/C 

RADIATE 

260-73+ 

ANT 

- 

C/C 

probably RADIATE 

260-73+ 

ANT 

- 

C/C 

RADIATE? 

260-73+? 

ANT 

- 

C/C 

RADIATE, TETRICUS II? 

268-73 

ANT 

- 

C/C 

RADIATE fragment 

268-73+ 

ANT 

- 

C/C 

RADIATE? 

268-73+? 

ANT 

- 

C/C 

RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.as - 

C/C 

RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.as - 

C/C 

RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.asTetricus 95 

?w/w 

RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.as - 

C/C 

RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.as - 

C/C 

RADIATE COPY? 

260+ 

ANT 

c.as - 

C/C 

RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.asTetricus 110-2 

w/w 

RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.asTetricus 68 

sw/sw 

RADIATE COPY? 

260+ 

ANT 

c.as - 

C/C 

RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.as - 

C/C 

RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.as - 

C/C 

RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.asTetricus 79 

w/w 

RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.as - 

C/C 

RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.as - 

C/C 

RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.as - 

C/C 

RADIATE COPY? 

260+ 

ANT 

c.as - 

C/C 

RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.as - 

sw/c 

RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.as - 

C/C 

probably RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.as - 

C/C 

RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.as - 

C/C 

RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.asTetricus 47 

C/C 

RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.asTetricus 82 

w/sw 

RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.as - 

C/C 

RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.asTetricus 121 

sw/sw 

probably RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.as - 

C/C 

RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.as - 

C/C 

RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.asTetricus 135 

C/C 

RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.asTetricus 141 

w/w 

RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.as - 

C/C 

RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.as - 

C/C 

RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.as - 

C/C 

RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.asTetricus 100 

c/w 


CATTERICK 87 


12072 

RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.as- 

C/C 

12075 

RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.asTetricus 130 

sw/sw 

12076 

RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.asTetricus 141 

C/C 

12090 

RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.as- 

C/C 

12110 

RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.asTetricus 254 

C/C 

12421 

probably RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.as - 

C/C 

3298 

RADIATE COPY? 

260+ 

ANT 

c.as- 

C/C 

3396 

RADIATE COPY? 

260+ 

ANT 

c.as- 

C/C 

910 

RADIATE COPY 

260+ 

ANT 

c.asTetricus 68 

w/w 

12024 

RADIATE COPY? 

260+ 

ANT 

c.as- 

C/C 

206 

CLAUDIUS II 

268-70 

ANT 

18/19 

uw/uw 

624 

CLAUDIUS II 

268-70 

ANT 

54/5 

sw/sw 

849 

CLAUDIUS II 

268-70 

ANT 

- 

C/C 

3004 

CLAUDIUS II 

268-70 

ANT 

38 

sw/sw 

4419 

CLAUDIUS II 

268-70 

ANT 

as 61 

w/w 

4701 

CLAUDIUS II 

268-70 

ANT 

as 71 

sw/sw 

4751 

CLAUDIUS II 

268-70 

ANT 

33 

w/w 

7060 

CLAUDIUS II 

268-70 

ANT 

14/15 

sw/sw 

7383 

CLAUDIUS II 

268-70 

ANT 

90 

w/sw 

7453 

CLAUDIUS II 

268-70 

ANT 

as 45 

sw/w 

12064 

CLAUDIUS II 

268-70 

ANT 

55 

w/sw 

12079 

probably CLAUDIUS II 

268-70 

ANT 

- 

C/C 

12346 

CLAUDIUS II 

268-70 

ANT 

as 96 

sw/sw 

12378 

CLAUDIUS II 

268-70 

ANT 

69 

w/w 

12417 

CLAUDIUS II 

268-70 

ANT 

as 25 

w/w 

7501 

‘CUAUDIUSIE 

268+ 

ANT 

c.as- 

C/C 

584 

‘CLAUDIUS IE 

268+ 

ANT 

c. of 102 

uw/sw 

136 

VICTORINUS 

268-70 

ANT 

61, E 743 

w/w 

261 

VICTORINUS 

268-70 

ANT 

118 

?w/w 

579 

VICTORINUS 

268-70 

ANT 

61 

w/w 

602 

VICTORINUS 

268-70 

ANT 

118 

sw/sw 

618 

VICTORINUS 

268-70 

ANT 

71 

?w/w 

625 

VICTORINUS 

268-70 

ANT 

114 

sw/sw 

112 

VICTORINUS 

268-70 

ANT 

- 

?sw/c 

4433 

VICTORINUS 

268-70 

ANT 

as 61 

sw/sw 

7009 

VICTORINUS 

268-70 

ANT 

73 

w/w 

7304 

VICTORINUS 

268-70 

ANT 

115 

sw/sw 

7356 

VICTORINUS 

268-70 

ANT 

78 

w/w 

12221 

VICTORINUS 

268-70 

ANT 

as 112 

sw/w 

98 

VICTORINUS’ 

268+ 

ANT 

c.as 71 var., E 697 

sw/sw 

7315 

‘VICTORINUS’ 

268+ 

ANT 

c.of 73 var. 

w/w 

12033 

‘VICTORINUS’ 

268+ 

ANT 

c.as 110 

w/w 

74 

VICTORINUS/TETRICUS I 

268-73 

ANT 

as Victorinus 78 

sw/sw 

101 

VICTORINUS/TETRICUS I 

268-73 

ANT 

asTetricus 135 

c/?sw 


88 

106 

137 

139 

310 

615 

782 

828 

1178 

3069 

3395 

4099 

4105 

4305 

4362 

4444 

4450 

4725 

7006 

7055 

7151 

12002 

12023 

12132 

12133 

4 

127 

498 

7002 

12034 

12350 

7057 

7069 

138 

278 

777 

781 

799 

845 

861 

56 

167 

775 

7373 

12201 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


VICTORINUS/TETRICUS I 268-73 

VICTORINUS/TETRICUS I 268-73 

VICTORINUS/TETRICUS I 268-73 

VICTORINUS/TETRICUS I 268-73 

VICTORINUS/TETRICUS I 268-73 

VICTORINUS/TETRICUS I 268-73 

VICTORINUS/TETRICUS I 268-73 

VICTORINUS/TETRICUS I 268-73 

VICTORINUS/TETRICUS I 268-73 

VICTORINUS/TETRICUS I 268-73 

VICTORINUS/TETRICUS I 268-73 

VICTORINUS/TETRICUS I 268-73 

VICTORINUS/TETRICUS I 268-73 

VICTORINUS/TETRICUS I 268-73 

VICTORINUS/TETRICUS I 268-73 

VICTORINUS/TETRICUS I 268-73 

VICTORINUS/TETRICUS I 268-73 

VICTORINUS/TETRICUS I 268-73 

VICTORINUS/TETRICUS I 268-73 

VICTORINUS/TETRICUS I 268-73 

VICTORINUS/TETRICUS I 268-73 

VICTORINUS/TETRICUS I 268-73 

VICTORINUS/TETRICUS I 268-73 

VICTORINUS/TETRICUS I 268-73 

VICTORINUS/TETRICUS I’ 268+ 

VICTORINUS/TETRICUS I’ 268+ 

VICTORINUS/TETRICUS I’ 268+ 

VICTORINUS/TETRICUS I’ 268+ 

VICTORINUS/TETRICUS I’ 268+ 

‘VICTORINUS/TETRICUS I’ 268+ 

CLAUDIUS II, POSTH. 270 

CLAUDIUS II, POSTH. 270 

‘CLAUDIUS II, POSTH.’ 270+ 

‘CLAUDIUS II, POSTH.’ 270+ 

‘CLAUDIUS II, POSTH.’ 270+ 

‘CLAUDIUS II, POSTH.’ 270+ 

CLAUDIUS II, POSTH.’ 270+ 

‘CLAUDIUS II, POSTH.’ 270+ 

‘CLAUDIUS II, POSTH.’ 270+ 

TETRICUS I 270-73 

TETRICUS I 270-73 

TETRICUS I 270-73 

TETRICUS I 270-73 

TETRICUS I 270-73 


ANT 

asTetricus 100 

C/C 

ANT 

as Tetricus 90 

PSW/SW 

ANT 

asTetricus 136 

sw/sw 

ANT 

asTetricus 147 

C/C 

ANT 

asVictorinus 104 

PSW/W 

ANT 

asTetricus 100 

w/w 

ANT 

as Tetricus 1 18 var. 

c/w 

ANT 

- 

sw/c 

ANT 

- 

PSW/C 

ANT 

asTetricus 100 

PW/W 

ANT 

- 

C/C 

ANT 

- 

C/C 

ANT 

asTetricus 136 

sw/sw 

ANT 

- 

C/C 

ANT 

asVictorinus 75 

PW/SW 

ANT 

asTetricus 100 

C/C 

ANT 

asVictorinus 59 

C/C 

ANT 

asTetricus 141 

sw/sw 

ANT 

asTetricus 109 

C/C 

ANT 

as 117 

?sw/c 

ANT 

asVictorinus 114 

?w/w 

ANT 

as Tetricus 87 

sw/sw 

ANT 

asTetricus 121 

C/C 

ANT 

- 

C/C 

ANT 

c. as Tetricus 110 

?w/w 

ANT 

c. as Tetricus 110 

C/C 

ANT 

c. as Tetricus 52 

sw/sw 

ANT 

c.as - 

sw/c 

ANT 

c. as Tetricus 68 

w/w 

ANT 

c.as - 

C/C 

ANT 

266 

w/w 

ANT 

266 

uw/sw 

ANT 

c.as 261 

w/w 

ANT 

c.as 261 

C/C 

ANT 

c.as 261 

C/C 

ANT 

c.as 261 

C/C 

ANT 

c.of261 

w/w 

ANT 

c.as 261 

C/C 

ANT 

c.as 261 

C/C 

ANT 

146 

sw/sw 

ANT 

100 

w/w 

ANT 

as 112 

sw/sw 

ANT 

as 100 

sw/w 

ANT 

100 

sw/sw 


CATTERICK 


89 


77 

‘TETRICUSF 

270+ 

ANT 

c.as 90 

sw/sw 

103 

‘TETRICUST 

270+ 

ANT 

c.oflOl 

w/w 

323 

‘TETRICUSE 

270+ 

ANT 

c.as 102 

sw/sw 

562 

‘TETRICUSE 

270+ 

ANT 

c.as 1 18 

C/C 

604 

‘TETRICUSE 

270+ 

ANT 

c.of 110-2 

sw/sw 

610 

TETRICUSE 

270+ 

ANT 

c.as 136 

sw/?w 

766 

‘TETRICUSE 

270+ 

ANT 

c.as 121 

sw/sw 

925 

TETRICUSE 

270+ 

ANT 

c.as 68 

w/w 

7459 

‘TETRICUSE 

270+ 

ANT 

c.as 1 10 

C/C 

205 

TETRICUS II, CAESAR 

270-73 

ANT 

as 272 

sw/sw 

4302 

probably TETRICUS II 

270-73 

ANT 

- 

C/C 

7000 

TETRICUS II, CAESAR 

270-73 

ANT 

as 270 

?sw/sw 

7372 

TETRICUS II, CAESAR 

270-73 

ANT 

as 260 

w/w 

7378 

TETRICUS II, CAESAR 

270-73 

ANT 

259 

w/w 

12007 

TETRICUS II, CAESAR 

270-73 

ANT 

as 254 

sw/c 

12263 

TETRICUS II, CAESAR 

270-73 

ANT 

280 

sw/sw 

446 

‘TETRICUS II, CAESAR’ 

270+ 

ANT 

c.of 272 

sw/w 

731 

‘TETRICUS II, CAESAR’ 

270+ 

ANT 

c.of 263 

w/w 

796 

‘TETRICUS II, CAESAR’ 

270+ 

ANT 

c.of 254-9 

w/w 

3105 

‘TETRICUS II, CAESAR’ 

270+ 

ANT 

c.of 232 

w/w 

3296 

‘TETRICUS II, CAESAR’ 

270+ 

ANT 

c.of 280 

w/w 

3302 

‘TETRICUS II, CAESAR’ 

270+ 

ANT 

c.of 270/1 

sw/w 

4258 

TETRICUS II, CAESAR’ 

270+ 

ANT 

c.of 232 

w/sw 

7457 

‘TETRICUS II, CAESAR’ 

270+ 

ANT 

c.as 254 

w/w 

12363 

‘TETRICUS II, CAESAR’ 

270+ 

ANT 

c.as 248 

w/w 

1 

CARAUSIUS 

286-90 

AUREL 

880 

uw/sw 

27 

CARAUSIUS 

286-90 

AUREL 

869 

sw/sw 

503 

CARAUSIUS 

286-90 

AUREL 

880 

sw/sw 

543 

CARAUSIUS 

286-90 

AUREL 

as 895 

sw/sw 

4006 

CARAUSIUS 

286-90 

AUREL 

855 

?w/sw 

4222 

CARAUSIUS 

286-90 

AUREL 

608 var. 

sw/sw 

7469 

CARAUSIUS 

286-90 

AUREL 

101 

w/sw 

60 

CARAUSIUS 

286-93 

AUREL 

as 878 

sw/sw 

83 

CARAUSIUS 

286-93 

AUREL 

as 98 

sw/sw 

4357 

CARAUSIUS 

286-93 

AUREL 

as 893 

C/C 

4577 

CARAUSIUS 

286-93 

AUREL 

as 878 

?sw/c 

7506 

CARAUSIUS 

286-93 

AUREL 

as 879 

sw/sw 

12005 

CARAUSIUS 

286-93 

AUREL 

as 118 

sw/sw 

12422 

CARAUSIUS 

286-93 

ANT 

as 878 

sw/sw 

12301 

possible CARAUSIUS 

286-93? 

AUREL 

- 

C/C 

4088 

prob. CARAUSIUS/ ALLECTUS 

286-96 (?) 

AUREL 

as Carausius 878 

C/C 

210 

ALLECTUS 

293-96 

AUREL 

22 

uw/uw 

707 

ALLECTUS 

293-96 

QUIN 

55 

sw/sw 

1181 

ALLECTUS 

293-96 

QUIN 

as 55 

sw/sw 


90 

3051 

12095 

407 

3288 

12371 

631 

816 

4224 

4420 

12241 

12343 

82 

850 

7450 

69 

325 

327 

7011 

464 

92 

126 

12070 

3398 

110 

734 

4250 

4757 

12376 

12383 

3300 

3397 

4391 

7310 

12307 

809 

798 

800 

4221 

12010 

12065 

12066 

203 

629 

7312 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


ALLECTUS 

293-96 

AUREL 


w/sw 

CONSTANTINE I 

309-10 

- 

6LG 308 

w/sw 

CONSTANTINE I 

c.310-11 

FOLL 

6 SS 209 

w/w 

CONSTANTINE I 

c.mid-310 

- 

6LN 121a 

w/w 

CONSTANTINE I 

319 

- 

7TR 223 

w/w 

HOUSE OF CONSTANTINE 

319-20 

- 

as 7 LN 154 

w/w 

CONSTANTINE I 

319-20 

- 

7 LN 157 

sw/sw 

CONSTANTINE II, CAESAR 

321 

- 

7LG 148 

sw/sw 

HOUSE OF CONSTANTINE I 

322-23 

- 

as 7TR 341 

c/w 

CONSTANTINE I 

323 

- 

7TR 389 

PSW/SW 

CRISPUS CAESAR 

323-24 

- 

7LN 279 

w/w 

CRISPUS, CAESAR 

324-25 

- 

7 RM 266 

?w/w 

CONSTANTIUS II, CAESAR 

324-25 

- 

7 LN 297 

w/w 

HELENA 

324-25 

- 

7TR 458, HK 25 

SW/SW 

CONSTANTINE II, CAESAR 

330-35 

- 

as 7 TR 520, HK49 

sw/w 

CONSTANTINE II, CAESAR 

330-35 

- 

7SS220, HK743 

w/w 

CONSTANTIUS II, CAESAR 

330-35 

- 

as 7 TR 521, HK50 

uw/uw 

CONSTANTINE I 

330-35 

- 

as 7TR523, HK52 

w/w 

CONSTANTINE I 

332 

- 

7 AR 358, HK 362 

sw/sw 

CONSTANTINE II, CAESAR 

332-33 

- 

7 TR 545, HK 68 

sw/sw 

CONSTANTINE I 

333-34 

- 

7 TR 555, HK 78 

uw/sw 

CONSTANTINE I 

333-34 

- 

7AR 375, HK 378 

sw/uw 

CONSTANTIUS II, CAESAR 

335-37 

- 

as 8TR 592, HK94 

sw/sw 

‘HOUSE OF CONSTANTINE’ 

330+ 

- 

c.as 7 TR 518, HK48 

c/sw 

‘CONSTANTINE II, CAESAR’ 

330+ 

- 

c.as 7 TR 520, HK49 

sw/sw 

‘CONSTANTINE I’ 

330+ 

- 

c.as 7TR 522, HK51 

C/C 

‘CONSTANTINE I’ 

330+ 

- 

c.as 7TR 523, HK 52 

?w/c 

‘HOUSE OF CONSTANTINE’ 

330+ 

- 

c.as 7TR518, HK48 

sw/sw 

‘CONSTANTINE I’ 

330+ 

- 

c.as 7TR 522, HK51 

?sw/sw 

CONSTANTIUS II 

337-40 

- 

8TR 82, HK126 

w/w 

HELENA 

337-40 

- 

as 8TR 63, HK112 

PSW/C 

CONSTANTIUS II 

337-40 

- 

as 8TR58, HK 108 

uw/sw 

THEODORA 

337-40 

- 

as 8TR 65, HK 113 

sw/sw 

HELENA/THEODORA 

337-40 

- 

as 8TR 63/5, HK1 12/3 

C/C 

HOUSE OF CONSTANTINE’ 

337+ 

- 

c.as 8 TR 38, HK99 

C/PSW 

CONSTANS 

346-48 

- 

8 TR 185, HK 140 

sw/sw 

CONSTANTIUS II 

346-48 

- 

8 TR 194, HK 146 

uw/sw 

CONSTANS 

346-48 

- 

8TR206, HK 160 

w/sw 

CONSTANS 

346-48 

- 

as 8TR 185, HK 140 

sw/sw 

CONSTANTIUS II 

346-48 

- 

8LG 55 

sw/sw 

CONSTANTIUS II/CONSTANS 

346-48 

- 

as 8TR 181, HK 137 

C/C 

MAGNENTIUS 

350-51 

- 

as 8 TR 262, HK49 

sw/sw 

MAGNENTIUS 

350-51 

- 

8 TR 266, CK51 

sw/sw 

‘MAGNENTIUS’ 

350+ 

- 

c.of 8TR 260, HK48 

sw/w 


CATTERICK 


91 


115 

‘CONSTANTIUSII’ 

353+ 

- 

c.as 8 TR 359, CK76 

W/W 

201 

‘CONSTANTIUSIF 

353+ 

- 

c.as 8 LG 189, CK256 

uw/uw 

930 

‘CONSTANTIUSII’ 

353+ 

- 

c.as 8 TR 359, CK 76 

sw/sw 

1180 

‘CONSTANTIUSII’ 

353+ 

- 

c.as 8 TR 359, CK76 

C/C 

4475 

‘CONSTANTIUSII’ 

353+ 

- 

c.as 8TR 359, CK76 

?sw/sw 

7072 

‘CONSTANTIUSII’ 

353+ 

- 

c.as 8TR 359, CK76 

C/C 

7458 

‘CONSTANTIUSII’ 

353+ 

- 

c.as 8TR 359, CK76 

w/c 

7461 

‘CONSTANTIUSII’ 

353+ 

- 

c.as 8TR359, CK76 

sw/sw 

12068 

CONSTANTIUSII? 

353+ 

- 

c.as 8TR 359, CK76 

C/C 

12347 

probably ‘CONSTANTIUS II’ 

353+? 

- 

c.as 8TR 359, CK 76 

C/C 

708 

HOUSE OF VALENTINIAN 

364-78 

- 

as CK 526 

sw/sw 

4902 

HOUSE OF VALENTINIAN 

364-78 

- 

as CK 97 

C/C 

711 

VALENS 

367-75 

- 

CK513 

sw/sw 

7352 

VALENS 

375 

- 

CK 528 

W/W 

12353 

ILLEGIBLE C3RD/4TH 

260-378 

- 

- 

C/C 

783 

ILLEGIBLE C3RD/4TEI 

260-402 

- 

- 

C/C 

1177 

ILLEGIBLE C3RD/4TH 

C3/4th 

- 

- 

C/C 

236 

ILLEGIBLE C3RD/4TH? 

C3/4th? 

- 

- 

C/C 

12088 

ILLEGIBLE C3RD/4TH? 

C3/4th? 

- 

- 

C/C 

7650 

ILLEGIBLE C4TH 

C4th 

- 

- 

C/C 

12094 

WILLIAM I/ALEXANDER II 

1195-1249 

Scottish short X Id 

as Stewart 

19ff. 

W/W 





566 

HENRY III 

121742 

Short Cross cut l/2d 

North 978- 

980 

sw/sw 





743 

HENRY III 

1248-79 

Long Cross cut l/2d 

as North 991 

W/W 






899 

EDWARD I 

1301-10 

Id 

North 1038ff. 

W/W 

4298 

EDWARD I 

1301-10 

Silver Id 

cf. North 1041 

vw/vw 

12047 

EDWARD I (-III) 

1301-10 

AR Id 

as North 1038ff. 

W/W 

12351 

EDWARD I 

1301-10 

AR Id 

as North 1038ff. 

W/W 

7552 

EDWARD I (-III) 

c.1301-10 

AR Id 

as North 1038ff. 

vw/vw 

7014 

EDWARD I-III 

c. 130 143 

AR Id 

as North 1040ff. 

vw/w 

4318 

EDWARD II 

c.1315-17 

Silver Id North 1064 

W/W 

3201 

HENRY VIII 

153144 

Silver l/2d cut down 

North 1820 

W/W 






66 

NUREMBERG JETTON 

c.C16/17th JETT. 

cf. Barnard 82 

W/W 

7008 

ILLEGIBLE FRAGMENT, C.16TH 

c.C16th 

AR?l/2d- 

C/C 

7050 

ILLEGIBLE, c. HENRY VIII+ 

c.C16th+ 

AR?l/2d- 

C/C 

4005 

ELIZABETH I 

1558-1603 

Silver Id 

as North 1988 

W/W 

12093 

ELIZABETH I 

1575 

AR 3d 

- 

W/W 

531 

ELIZABETH I 

1578? 

3d 

North 1998 

W/W 

735 

ELIZABETH I 

1583 

1/- 

North 2014 

W/W 

224 

ELIZABETH I 

1583-1603 

ld 

North 20 17 

W/W 

806 

ELIZABETH I 

1583-1603 

Id 

North 2017 

W/W 


92 YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


4903 

ILLEGIBLE, probably C17TH 

c.Cl7th 

AR, probably groat 

C/C 

701 

CHARLES I 

1625-49 

1/- (cut down) 

as North 2228 W/W 

7052 

probably CHARLES I 

c. 162549 

AE l/4d - 

C/C 

550 

CHARLES l/U, SCOTTISH 

1642-63 

2d Stewart 239/243 

C/C 

12109 

CHARLES II (SCOTTISH) 

1663 

2d turner Stewart 243 

C/C 

12045 

CHARLES II 

1666 

AR 6d - 

EW/EW 

12302 

CHARLES l/U, SCOTTISH 

1642-63 

2d ‘turner’ 

as Stewart 239 C/C 

119 

SCOTTISH Cl 7TH 

Cl 7th 

2d/ld as Stewart 237 

C/C 

151 

SCOTTISH Cl 7TH 

Cl 7th 

2d as Stewart 239 

C/C 

242 

SCOTTISH Cl 7TH 

Cl 7th 

2d as Stewart 239 

C/C 

306 

SCOTTISH Cl 7TH 

Cl 7th 

2d as Stewart 239 

C/C 

483 

SCOTTISH Cl 7TH 

Cl 7th 

2d as Stewart 239 

C/C 

842 

SCOTTISH Cl 7TH 

Cl 7th 

2d as Stewart 239 

C/C 

3052 

SCOTTISH Cl 7TH 

Cl 7th 

2d turneras Stewart 239 

C/C 

4165 

ILLEGIBLE SCOTTISH C 1 7TH 

Cl 7th 

2d turneras Stewart 239 

C/C 

7071 

ILLEGIBLE SCOTTISH 

Cl 7th 

2d turneras Stewart 239 

C/C 

7102 

ILLEGIBLE SCOTTISH 

Cl 7th 

2d turneras Stewart 239 

C/C 

7169 

ILLEGIBLE SCOTTISH 

Cl 7th 

2d turneras Stewart 239 

C/C 

7554 

probably SCOTTISH 

Cl 7th 

2d turneras Stewart 239 

C/C 

12001 

probably SCOTTISH 

Cl 7th 

2d turneras Stewart 239 

C/C 

12088 

ILLEGIBLE prob. SCOTTISH 

Cl 7th 

2d turneras Stewart 239 

C/C 

75 

ILLEG. poss. SCOTTISH C17 

Cl 7th? 

2d? as Stewart 257 

C/C 

824 

ILLEG. poss. SCOTTISH C17 

Cl 7th? 

2d? as Stewart 239 

C/C 

911 

ILLEG. poss. SCOTTISH Cl 7 

C17th? 

2d/ld as Stewart 237 

C/C 

4313 

ILLEGIBLE SCOTTISH C17TH? 

Cl 7th? 

?2d turner 

as Stewart 239 C/C 

315 

ILLEGIBLE MODERN 

C17th+ 

l/2d? 

C/C 

834 

ILLEGIBLE MODERN 

C17th+ 

l/'2d? 

C/C 

123 

CHARLES II 

1680-85 

l/2d 

C/C 

305 

WILLIAM III 

1688-1702 

6d? 

W/W 

3003 

WILLIAM AND MARY 

1694 

l/4d 

C/C 

7077 

WILLIAM III 

1694-1701 

l/2d 

C/C 

4377 

WILLIAM III 

1695-1700 

l/4d 

W/W 

7078 

probably WILLIAM III 

c. 1694-1700 l/4d 

C/C 

7056 

WILLIAM III-GEORGE II 

c. 1694-1 760 l/2d 

C/C 

751 

GEORGE I? 

1718? 

l/2d 

C/C 

12099 

GEORGE I 

1724 

AE l/4d - 

W/W 

943 

GEORGE II? 

1727-60? 

l/4d? 

C/C 

100 

GEORGE III (?) 

1760-1820? 

Id 

C/C 

267 

GEORGE III? 

1760-1820? 

l/2d 

C/C 

410 

GEORGE III(?) 

1760-1820? l/2d 

C/C 

748 

GEORGE III (?) 

1760-1820? l/4d? 

C/C 

7103 

GEORGE III 

1770-1807 

l/2d 

C/C 

7374 

GEORGE III 

1770-1807 

l/2d 

C/C 

7005 

MODERN, prob. GEORGE III 

c. 1770-1807 l/2d 

C/C 


12074 

CATTERICK 

GEORGE III 

1797 

Cartwheel Id 


4448 

GEORGE III 

1799 

l/2d cf. Peck 1235 SW/SW 

786 

poss. GEORGE III 

1805+ 

l/2d 

C/C 

61 

GEORGE III 

1806 

l/2d 

SW/SW 

3102 

GEORGE III 

1806 

Id 

?w/w 

12348 

GEORGE III 

1806-07 

Id 

VW/EW 

4394 

VI CT ORIA-ELIZABETH II 

1838+ 

l/2d 

C/C 

85 

VICTORIA 

1838-83 

1/- 

w/w 

223 

VICTORIA? 

c. 1838-83 

l/4d 

C/C 

7376 

VICTORIA or later 

Cl 9/ 20th 

Id 

C/C 

4087 

VICTORIA 

1862 

Id 

EW/EW 

3007 

VICTORIA 

1882 

Id 

vw/vw 

12386 

VICTORIA 

1893-97 

AR 6d - 

VW/EW 

4201 

MODERN TOKEN, EDWARD VII? 

1901-10? AE token 


4068 

GEORGE V 

1915 

l/2d 

w/vw 

4074 

GEORGE V 

1917 

Id 

w/w 

264 

GEORGE V 

1928 

Id 

w/w 

12416 

GEORGE VI 

1942 

l/2d 

w/w 

215 

GEORGE VI 

1951 

l/2d 

w/w 

4085 

ELIZABETH II 

1958 

6d 

?sw/sw 

4164 

ELIZABETH II 

1963 

3d 

?sw/sw 

544 

ILLEGIBLE 

- 

- 

C/C 

554 

ILLEGIBLE 

- 

- 

C/C 

3282 

ILLEGIBLE 

- 

- 

C/C 

4254 

ILLEGIBLE 

- 

- 

C/C 

12062 

ILLEGIBLE 

- 

- 

EW/EW 

12055 

ILLEGIBLE, NOT A COIN? 

- 

- 

EW/EW 

12011 

NOT A COIN (button) 

- 

- 


12341 

NOT A COIN (button) 

- 

- 

C/C 

12308 

NOT A COIN (probably button) 

- 

- 

C/C 

67 

NOT A COIN (sheet metal) 

- 

(ae) 

Blank 

113 

NOT A COIN (leaded disk) 

- 

- 

C/C 

4758 

NOT A COIN 

_ 

_ _ 

_ 


93 

C/W 


C/C 


94 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


RACECOURSE 


SFNO RULER 


2306 L. HOSTILIUS SASERNA 
2021 HADRIAN? 

WWmmWNMUAVMW; W^mwMMWMMVlWMWWMWM'//iVMVAWlW 

2195 ANTONINUS PIUS 
2311 FAUSTINA II (A.Pius) 

2207 FAUSTINA II (M.Aurelius) 
2410 COMMODUS 
2313 RADIATE? 

2007 - RADIATE C O PY ~ 

21 1 9 ['C L AU D IU S II, POSTH.' 

2701 ALLECTUS 

2200 HOUSE OF CONSTANTINE 

2415 ILLEGIBLE, ROMAN? 

2215 WILLIAM I, SCOTLAND 
2417 WILLIAM III 
2106 GEORGE IN(?) 

2026 VICTORIA 



270 + 

293-96 
330-35(?) - 


CATALOG 
CRAW 448/1 b var. 


A.Pius 515-7 
'06 var., Hunter 1 5 


CONDIT 
EW/EW 
C/C 
C/C 
w/w 

W/W 
61 1 VW/VW 
C/C 


c.as - 
c.as 261 
as 128 
s 7 TR 518, HK 48 


C/C 
SW/SW 
SW/SW 
C/C 


1 1 95-1 21 4 Short Cross cut 1 /2< 
1 688-1 702 6d? 


1760-1820 1/2d 


1/2d 


2015 ILLEGIBLE 






C/?W 

C/C 


THE OTHER METALWORK fry H E M. Cool 
Introduction 

The circumstances of the recovery of this material have been described elsewhere in this 
paper (see p. 55-57) , but it is appropriate to comment here on the circumstances under 
which the metalwork has been studied as this will explain the variability of the catalogue 
enu ies. All of these were written during the assessment stages because the material was 
returned to the detectorists at that point, and has not been available during the writing of 
this report. 

The 1997 material was assessed byjan Summerfield of English Heritage. The catalogue 
she produced was of a standard suitable for an assessment catalogue, i.e. it had an identifica- 
tion of the material, provided a simple name and a very brief description and occasionally a 
reference to a published typology (see RFGFRG 1993) . When the present author was 
approached to assess the material from the 1998 and 1999 work, it was apparent that a 
formal publication might eventually be appropriate. In the light of that the recording, 
though still concise, was a little more detailed than would normally be appropriate for an 
assessment with additional measurements being included as well as references to published 
typologies and/or a close published parallel where appropriate. A selection of material was 
also chosen for illustration (Figs. 12-14 - illustrated items being indicated by an * against the 
catalogue number). The catalogue entries for the 1997 finds are derived from Ms 
Summerfield’ s catalogue, and I have not personally inspected the objects. 


CATTERICK 


95 


Site 

Copper alloy 

Lead 

Iron 

Other metals 

Total 

Bainesse 

173 

263 

36 

1 1 

483 

Racecourse 

53 

56 

2 

- 

1 1 1 

Total 

226 

319 

38 

1 1 

594 


Table 2. Metalwork (excluding coins) from the 1997 season 


Tables 2 and 3 summarise the number of finds other than coins and pottery from the two 
seasons of work. For all seasons the detectorists were discriminating against iron and in the 
1998/9 seasons they were discriminating against lead. This leads to a bias in the material 
recovered in favour of copper alloy. The loss of the iron in a project such as this is probably 
not to be regretted as much ironwork is not chronologically sensitive, and many items 
recovered from fields are likely to derive from relatively modern agricultural activity. Lead 
can sometimes be diagnostic, but it is not felt that much information is likely to have been 
lost as despite being discriminated against during the 1998/9 seasons, a substantial amount 
of lead was recovered including quite small fragments. 


Site 

Copper alloy 

Lead 

Iron 

Other metal 

Glass 

Other 

Total 

Bainesse 

254 

206 

c 25 

17 

26 

4 

533 

Racecourse 

- 

1 

3 

- 

9 

- 

12 

Total 

254 

207 

28 

17 

35 

4 

545 


Table 3. Metalwork (excluding coins) , glass and miscellaneous materials from the 1998/9 season 


During initial study of the 1998/9 material the finds were assigned to broad chronological 
bands, or were described as undated, and the breakdown of this approach is shown in Table 
4. As is to be expected a great deal of the material recovered was not chronologically 
sensitive, and of the material that could be dated the majority was of post-Medieval to 
modem date. This will not be further considered here but it is appropriate to characterise 
it briefly. In the main it is what might be expected from losses during working the land. A 
third of the finds assigned to this period, for example, were buttons, and there were also 


Period 

Copper alloy 

head 

Iron 

Other metal 

Glass 

Other 

Total 

Roman 

42 

2 

- 

- 

12 

- 

56 

Medieval 

10 

3 

- 

1 

- 

- 

14 

Post medieval 
& Modern 

98 

15 

7 

13 

23 

3 

159 

Undateable 

104 

187 

21 

3 

- 

1 

316 

Total 

254 

207 

28 

17 

35 

4 

545 


Table 4. Metalwork (excluding coins) , glass and miscellaneous materials from the 1998/9 season 
tabulated by date 


96 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


fragments of buckles and elements of agricultural tools. Another feature of this more recent 
material was the martial element it displayed with musket balls from the earlier part and 
uniform elements such as cap badges and buttons for the nineteenth and twentieth centu- 
ries. 

Published here in more detail is the Roman, late Anglo-Saxon and late medieval metal- 
work that can be identified with some certainty. Some items which it is suspected might be 
Roman such as a copper alloy dish rim fragment (Bainesse 1998: 4051 ) or medieval such as 
the possible cauldron foot (Bainesse 1 997 : 549) have been excluded because the identifica- 
tions are uncertain It will be noted that far more items from the 1998/9 seasons are pre- 
sented than from the 1997 one. Given the differences in recording and discontinuity of 
personnel, it is not possible to be absolutely sure that this is an accurate picture, but it seems 
very likely it is. Had a similar quantity of Roman or medieval finds been uncovered during 
the 1997 season, then Ms Summerfield would undoubtedly have recognised and recorded 
them. The condition of the 1998 material was very good, and was such as to suggest that it 
had not been in the plough soil for any length of time. Everything suggests, therefore, that 
the discrepancy of totals between the season was the result of deeper ploughing, progres- 
sively eroding previously undisturbed archaeological contexts. 

Linally in these introductory remarks, it may be noted that a small amount of Roman vessel 
glass was found during the 1998 season (see Table 4). The form most frequendy recognised 
was the blue/ green prismadc botde of the late first to early third century (Price and Cottam 
1998, 194-202) , and diere were also several undiagnostic blue/ green fragments of contempo- 
rary date. The recove ly of such robust fragments of blue/ green glass, as opposed to thinner 
fragments of colourless glass, is exactly what is to be expected in a field walking and detect- 
ing project of this kind. 

In what follows the metalwork will first be discussed by period and by funcdon, and then 
the new light the material casts on occupadon at the two sites will be considered. It should 
be noted that to avoid overburdening the discussion with references, the following conven- 
tion is followed with reference to material from the earlier excavadons at Catterick. Where 
a single item is referred to, the citadon will be to the individual specialist, muldple items are 
cited as Wilson 2002b. In the catalogue all measurements are in millimetres and the follow- 
ing abbreviadons are used. L- length, W- width, T- thickness, D- diameter. 

Roman 

Personal Ornaments (Eig. 12) 

The Roman personal ornaments are dominated by brooches. Three of them (nos. 1-3) are 
bow brooches of types in fashion during the later first to mid second century. Both of the 
examples that can be attributed to pardcular types - the headstud no. 1 and the Thealby 
brooch no. 2 - appear to be variants that have not been recorded from Catterick before 
(Mackreth 2002) , though other variants of headstud have been recovered there (Mackreth 
2002, 150) . Thealby brooches are a local type with their major concentration in the York- 
shire / Humberside area (Hattatt 1987, 122) so the discovery of an example at Catterick is 
not surprising. 

By far the majority of the brooches, however, are of later date than this. The group is 
dominated by knee brooches and their derivadves (nos. 4-7 and possibly no. 8) . The classic 


CATTERICK 


97 



Fig. 12 - Metalwork: Roman - Personal Ornaments; Weighing and Measuring Equipment; 
Fasteners and Fittings. 




98 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


form of knee brooch is represented here by no. 4 and possibly by no. 5. Broadly speaking, 
this is the type that was most commonly found during the excavations (Mackreth 2002, 153- 
4 nos. 9-15, 161 no. 1) . No. 6 is from a type that is normally distinguished from the classic 
knee brooch, though clearly belonging to the same family. Only one example of this form 
was previously known from Catterick (Mackreth 2002, 154 no. 19) . Ms Summerfield iden- 
tified no. 7 as being similar to Hattatt 1987, 264 no. 1227 and thus it represents a different 
form, previously only recorded at Catterick as an antiquarian find (Wilson 2002a, 22, plate 
6) . Nos. 4 - 6 may be assigned to the second half of the second century and into the early 
third century (Mackreth 2002, 154; Snape 1993, 19) . The type represented by no. 7 has not 
been found in sufficient well-dated contexts for the dating to be secure (Snape 1993, 19) , but 
a broadly contemporary date may be suspected. 

At Catterick late second- to third-century brooches of types other than knee brooches are 
not particularly common, but the metal detected assemblage produced three examples of 
this category. Nos. 9 and 10 are fragments from divided bow brooches, a group that is only 
known otherwise at Site 240 (Butcher 2002, 159 no. 10) . The P brooch no. 1 1 is much better 
preserved, and is very similar to one deposited in a grave dated to c. 240-270 at Brougham, 
Cumbria (Butcher in Cool 2004, 142-43) . In discussing the Brougham example, Butcher 
notes another similar example h orn Caerleon in a context dated to c. AD 220 (Wheeler and 
Wheeler 1928, 164, fig. 14 no. 17), suggesUng the floruit of this type was later in the third 
century than that of the knee brooches. This is the first example of this type of brooch to 
have been recorded from Catterick. 

The final brooch that can be identified with certainty is no. 12, an example of a triple 
knobbed fourth-century crossbow. The various typologies of these are somewhat convo- 
luted, with identification often depending on having the whole brooch preserved which is 
not the case here. Quite precise dates are sometimes attributed to the types, though the 
various schemes do not always agree as to what these should be. This debate is usefully 

t 

summarised by Swift (2000, 13-24). It is probably safest to say of no. 12 that it was in use 
during the mid to late fourth century, and to avoid attempting a closer date. Fourth-century 
crossbow brooches are not common finds at Catterick, but one was found on Site 433 
(Mackreth 2002, 155 no. 22, fig. 305). 


Type 

Excavation 

Detected 

Total 

1 st century bow and plate 

4 

- 

4 

Later 1 st to mid 2 nd century bow 

20 

3 

23 

2 nd century plate 

10 

- 

10 

Later 2 nd to 3 rd century bow 

15 

8 

23 

3 rd to 4 th century crossbow 

5 

1 

6 

Penannular 

10 

- 

10 

Total 

64 

12 

76 


Table 5. A comparison of the Catterick brooches recovered by different methods 


CATT ERICK 


99 


It is useful to compare the brooches found during the metal detecting seasons with those 
from the excavated material. Table 5 summarises the excavated data (based on Cool 2002, 
table 91) and presents the comparable material from 1997 and 1998/9. The table clearly 
shows that the detected assemblage is much more heavily biased towards the middle Roman 
period than the excavated one. The absence of both plate brooches and penannular brooches 
from the metal detected assemblage is noticeable given that both categories were well repre- 
sented amongst excavated finds. In the case of the plate brooches, it might be that the late 
bias of the 1997-9 assemblage mitigated against them being found, though some would still 
have been in use contemporaneously with the knee brooches which were well represented. 
No such chronological explanation can be advanced for the absence of penannular brooches. 
This, by contrast, seems to be the result of the method of recovery. In various assemblages 
where it has been possible to compare the sorts of finds recovered by metal detecting and 
excavation, it can be suggested that the former will not regularly recover the same range of 
copper alloy finds as the latter (Britnell et al 1999, 47; Booth forthcoming) . Work on the 
material recovered by the Portable Antiquities Scheme (Cool 2001 ) suggested that penannular 
brooches were one of the finds categories that metal detecting would regularly recover less 
commonly than excavation would, and this may well be the explanation for the discrepancy 
here. 

The majority of the brooches were recovered from the Bainesse field and it is instructive 
to compare the types found with the assemblage recovered from the excavations at Site 46 
(Wilson 2002a, 139-84) . This is done in Table 6. As can be seen the profile of the assem- 
blages is very different. The stress in the excavated material is early, in that of the metal 


Brooch type 

Date 


1997-8 

Site 46 

Total 

Trumpet 

Later 1 st 

to 2 nd century 

- 

5 

5 

Headstud 

Later 1 st 

to 2 nd century 

1 

- 

1 

Thealby 

Later 1 st 

to 2 nd century 

1 

- 

1 

Unclassified bow 

Later 1 st 

to 2 nd century 

1 

- 

1 

Dragonesque 

Later 1 st 

to 2 nd century 

- 

1 

1 

Plate brooches 

2 nd century 

- 

2 

2 

Knee 

Later 2 nd to 3 rd century 

4 

- 

4 

Divided Bow 

Later 2 nd 

to 3 rd century 

1 

- 

1 

Knobbed P 

3 rd century 

1 

- 

1 

Crossbow 

Mid-late 4 th century 

1 

- 

1 

Penannular 

1 st to 3 rd 

century 

- 

6 

6 

Total 



10 

14 

24 


Table 6. A comparison of the brooches recovered by metal detecting and excavation at 
Bainesse 


100 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


detected it is late. As no bias in the recovery of bow brooches has ever been noted, this 
difference must be a real one. 

Both of die other personal ornaments were recovered at Bainesse. No 1 5 is an example of 
the commonest type of finger ring of the first to early third centuries. The setting is ob- 
scured and might originally have been glass or enamel, in which case a date in the second half 
of that period would be most appropriate. Copper alloy beads are not common Roman finds 
generally but as a disproportionate number have been found in generally late Roman con- 
texts at Catterick (Lentowicz 2002, 52 nos. 90-1 and 93-7; 143 no. 12) it is possible that this 
example is also Roman. 

1 Brooch. Copper alloy. Headstud, possibly Casdeford type 6 but heavily corroded. 
Hinged with broken cast headloop and catch plate. Solid headstud, front of bow vertically 
ribbed. L 47, W of bow 7. Cool and Philo 1998, 30. Bainesse 1999: 12349 

2 Brooch. Copper alloy. Thealby type. Headloop, lower part of bow and most of pin 
missing. L 37, W of wings 17. Cf Hattatt 1989, fig. 192.1527. Bainesse 1998: 3076. 

3 Brooch. Copper alloy. Bow brooch; lower bow with footknob and catchplate. Bow 
with sharp triangular section; dotted decoration down sides. L 27, bow section 3.5. Bainesse 
1998: 3273. 

4 Brooch. Copper alloy. Knee; head plate and upper bow in 2 fragments. Semi- 
circular head plate; faceted bow. Spring held between 2 lugs. W of head 15, present L c. 20. 
Snape 1993, Type 5. 1 , fig. 3D. Bainesse 1 998: 71 72. 

5* Brooch. Copper alloy. Possibly knee brooch fragment as no. 4. Racecourse 1 997: 
2197 

6* Brooch. Copper alloy. Knee. Faceted bow, spring between 2 lugs. Pin missing; foot 
damaged. L 42, W head 20. Snape 1993, 19 Type 5.2. Bainesse 1998: 4019 

7 Brooch. Copper alloy. Knee. Fragment. Snape 1993, 19 Type 5.3. Bainesse 1997: 
710. 

8 Brooch. Copper alloy. ? Knee. Hollow-backed humped moulding with slighdy 
faceted outer face, possibly upper bow broken atjunction with head plate and foot. Dimen- 
sions 17x8x5. Bainesse 1999: 12375. 

9* Brooch. Copper alloy. Divided bow. Central bow fragment re tainingjunction of 
two arms. Racecourse 1997: 2009. 

10 Brooch. Copper alloy. Divided bow. Spring cover retaining part of spring and 
upper part of bow. L 1 3, W 1 8 . Bainesse 1 998: 41 69. 

11* Brooch. Copper alloy. P Brooch with knobbed inset on front of brooch. As Hattatt 
1985 127 no. 494 but lacking obvious knurling on ribs. All surfaces retain traces of white 
metal. Rivet holding inset smoothly finished off. Pin and hinge missing, one end of iron 
hinge bar retained in hinge cover. L 61 . W wings 22, W upper bow 1 1 . Bainesse 1 998: 7049. 

12* Brooch. Copper alloy. Crossbow. Keller Type 4?. Foot broken off and missing. 
Onion-shape knobs with milled collars, rectangular-sectioned cross-piece; triangular-sec- 


CATTERICK 


101 


tioned bow with milled cordon above junction with foot. W 43, L 48. Clarke 1979, 258. 
Bainesse 1999: 12004 

13 Brooch? Copper alloy. Fragment with rounded end with broken loop (? Spring 
lug); other broken end expanding across ribbed area. L 27.5, W 15, T 2. Bainesse 1998: 
7101. 

14 Brooch. Copper Alloy. Complete brooch spring. Bainesse 1997: 526 

15 Finger-ring. Copper alloy. D-sectioned hoop expanding to bezel. Oval bezel with 
dark setting. D 26x20, hoop section 2.5, bezel section 7x3. Flenig (1974) type II. Bainesse 
1999: 12304. 

16 Bead. Copper alloy. Flattened globular with large central perforation. D 13, F 9, 
Perforation D 8. Bainesse 1998: 4124. 


Textile Equipment 

The Bainesse field produced several lead whorls that could have acted as spindle whorls 
(see also p. 100 below) . If that identification is correct, then nos. 17 to 20 would most likely 
be of Roman date as the spindles used then were narrower than medieval ones and these 
have perforation diameter in the region of 6 mm, typical of what is appropriate for a Roman 
spindle (Rogers 1997, 1734-5) . It has to be noted, however, that though spindle-whorls were 
relatively common finds from excavated Roman contexts (Cool 2002, table 98) , lead exam- 
ples were rare, so these may be much later in date 

17 Whorl. Fead. Plano-convex with central perforation. D 21, T 6, perforation D 5. 
Bainesse 1999: 12039 

18 Whorl. Fead. As no. 17. D 22, perforation D 6 mm. Bainesse 1997: 840 

19 Whorl. Fead. As no. 17. D 22, perforation D 7 mm. Bainesse 1997: 763. 

20 Whorl. Fead. Circular with circular perforation. D. 22, perforation D 5, T 4. Bainesse 

1998: 4905. 


Weighing and Measuring Equipment (Fig. 12) 

Copper alloy acorns like no. 21 are a common type of Roman find though their function is 
sometimes disputed. In Britain they are normally interpreted as steelyard weights, which 
the large ones such as that from Castleford in a late first-century context (Cool and Philo 
1998, 94 no. 445, fig. 35), almost certainly must be. Oldenstein (1976,159) hasarguedfor 
the smaller ones being amulets, although small ones too can have the sort of inserted iron 
loops typical of a range of steelyard weight types as can be seen on one from a fourth-century 
context at Caerleon (Webster 1992, 157 no. 366). 

21* Steelyard weight. Copper alloy. Cast acorn with loop F. 43, maximum section 18. 
Bainesse 1 998: 3297. 


102 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


Fasteners and Fittings (Figs. 12 and 13) 

A range of typical Roman fasteners were recovered, most numerous of which were bell- 
shaped studs (nos. 22-27) , all found at Bainesse. In discussing those from the Wacher 
excavations at Catterick, Lentowicz (2002, 59-60 nos. 147-55) drew attention to the wide 
range of functions these could serve horn lock pins to furniture handles. Two different types 
are represented here, distinguished by their shanks, but whether this difference was func- 
tionally significant is unknown. 

Bell-shaped studs are not chronologically sensitive within the Roman period, whereas 
dress fasteners represented here by nos. 28-29 from Bainesse and no. 30 from the Race- 
course are primarily of first- and second-century date. Those with square or rectangular 
heads like nos. 28-9 are most likely to belong to the second century (Wild 1970, 141 ) . No. 30 
was described as being a variant of Wild type Vd and cannot be more closely identified. 
Type Vd is a conical-headed form that Dr. Wild (1970, 141, 152) only recorded from the 
German Limes forts providing a broad late first to mid third-century date, and subsequent 
publication from Roman o-British sites does not appear to have noticeably changed this 
picture. The square-headed form, by contrast, can be seen as a typical product of northern 
Britain. It is possible, therefore, that no. 30 was an import from the Rhineland, unfortu- 
nately the records are not sufficiently detailed to be sure of this. The dress fasteners that 
have been found previously at Catterick possibly also show this two-fold origin. Two 
(Lentowicz 2002, 62 no. 180; 112 no. 39) are of the boss and petal type (Wild 1970. 138 Type 
III) which Bishop (1998, 63-4) has shown to be of Havian to Antonine date, and which are 
a common find on northern British sites. The third (Lentowicz 2002, 62 no. 181), by 
contrast, is a rare form not included by Wild in his survey. Another example is known from 
South Shields, but in discussing it Allason Jones and Miket (1983, 222 no. 765) again pointed 
mainly to comparanda from the limes forts. 

The dum bell-shaped fittings nos. 31-32, also from Bainesse, are another northern British 
type. MacGregor (1976, 1 34) suggests a date range of the late fu st to possibly third century. 
It is possible that they were more popular in the earlier part of diat period. Casdeford has a 
large finds assemblage much of which was found in stratified contexts dating to the century 
from c. AD 71 to AD 180, and the three from stratified contexts there were all in those of 
early to mid Flavian date (Cool and Philo 1998, 116 nos. 782, 784; 281 no. 161). The form 
has not previously been recorded at Catterick. Small enamelled studs with nicked circum- 
ferences such as no. 33 have been found with a variety of enamelled patterns. Frequendy the 
head is divided into a ring and dot cell with alternating patterns of enamel blocks put in the 
ring such as at Catterick Site 433 (Lentowicz 2002, 66 no. 228) , and Casdeford (Cool and 
Philo 1998, 105 no. 556) . Others have a double ring and dot cell arrangements as on no. 33 
with the same alternadng enamel block pattern ( ibid 104 no. 526) and it is likely that the 
head of no. 33 was also polychrome. Unusually for a fastener, these enamelled studs can be 
closely dated. It is noticeable that the ones with nicked circumferences are repeatedly 
found in mid second-century contexts. The Catterick Site 433 one came from a Phase 3 
context (AD 160-200) and both of the Casdeford examples were in contexts of AD 140 - 
180. Other examples include one from Verulamium in a context of AD 150-60 (Waugh and 
Goodburn 1972, 126 no. 96) and there is also a probable example of the type from the fordet 
at Barburgh Mill (Dumfriesshire) which was occupied in the middle of the second century as 


CATTERICK 


103 


part of the Aiitonine Wall occupation (Miket in Breeze 1974, 162 no. 41 - edge nicks (if 
present) not visible on over-reduced drawing) . 

The items discussed in this section so far are types whose Roman origin is undoubted. In 
the case of the rest of the items (nos. 34-39) , such a date cannot be advanced with such 
certainty. Items such as the nails (nos. 34-35) and the mount (no. 36) could be of later date, 
but they are all types that can be paralleled in Roman assemblages and in the circumstances 
of this group are likely to be Roman. The bindings, or possibly strap slides, nos. 37-39 
cannot be so easily paralleled in Roman assemblages, though equally they do not appear to 
be a common feature of medieval or later ones either. A strap distributor or slide similar to 
no. 38 was recovered from Site 433 at Catterick in a late Roman context (Lentowicz 2002, 
75 no. 75) , and there is also a similar one from Dura-Europos which is described as a ‘bridle- 
mount?’ (James 2004, 99 no. 349, fig. 45) . The example from Dura-Europos would suggest 
that they examples like no. 38 were in use between the mid second and mid third century; 
and might further suggest that no. 38 should be interpreted as a possible military fitting 
contemporary with those discussed in the next section. Whether the other two can be 
similarly interpreted is not at present clear. 

22* Bell-shaped stud. Copper alloy. Circular-sectioned flat based integral shank retain- 
ing Ptraces of iron shank. D 38, L 22. Allason-Jones 1985. Type 1. Bainesse 1998: 7063. 

2 3 Bell-shaped stud. Copper alloy. Standard head, small drum shank; remains of iron 
shank. D 15.5, L. 15. Typology as no. 22 Bainesse 1998: 4133. 

24 Bell-shaped stud. Copper alloy. Standard head; short drum-shaped upper shank; 
broken narrower square-sectioned shank. D 18, L 9. Caerleon type see Webster 1992, 136 
nos. 141-2. Bainesse 1998: 4130. 

25 Bell-shaped stud. Copper alloy. Standard head; short drum-shaped upper shank; 
narrower square-sectioned shank. D 18, L 29. Typology as no. 24. Bainesse 1998: 7075. 

27* Bell-shaped stud. Copper alloy. Dished face , one edge broken. Short square- 
sectioned shank. D (head) 25, L 35. Typology as no. 24. Bainesse 1999: 12107. 

28 Dress fastener. Copper alloy. Square head with incised decoration. Wild 1970, 
type VIb. Bainesse 1997: 121. 

29 Dress fastener. Copper alloy. Square plain head, broken triangular loop. Head 
19x19. Typology as no. 27. Bainesse 1999: 12061. 

30 Dress fastener. Copper alloy. Circular head. L30mm. Variant of Wild 1970, Type 
Vd. Racecourse 1997: 2403. 

31* Dumb-bell fitting. Copper alloy. Hemispherical terminals with ridged bases, linked 
by circular-sectioned rod. L 18.5, D 8. Cf MacGregor 1976, fig. 8. 13. Bainesse 1 998: 7068. 

32 Dumb-bell fitting. Copper alloy. Hemispherical terminals with ridged bases, 
linked by circular-sectioned rod. L 20, D 9x8. Typology as no. 31 . Bainesse 1 998: 7306 

33 Stud. Copper alloy. Enamelled. Circular head with 2 concentric rings forming 3 
cells for now decayed enamel. Outer edge of stud diagonally nicked; central shank. D 2 1 , L 
1 1 . Bainesse 1 999: 1 2262. 


104 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


34 Nail. Copper alloy. Spherical head; broken circular-sectioned shank. L. 14, D 
(head) 8. Cf Crummy 1983, 115 no. 2995 Bainesse 1998: 4021. 

35 Nail. Copper alloy. Disc head; square sectioned shank. Head D. 2 1 , shank section 
3.5, L45. Cf Crummy 1983, 115 no. 3073. Bainesse 1998: 4925 

36* Mount. Copper alloy. Pointed oval silvered head with central shank. L 27, W 10, 
T 12. Cf Allason-Jones and Miket 1983, 246 nos. 961-3. Bainesse 1999: 12203. 

37 Binding. Copper alloy. Triple ribbed rectangular binding. Dimensions 20x19x8. 
Bainesse 1 998: 701 7 

38* Binding. Copper alloy. Rectangular cross section with open ends; upper face deco- 
rated 3 moulded ribs in high relief. L 20 W 20, T 15; aperture section 14x4. Bainesse 1 998: 
7171. 

39* Binding. Copper alloy. Square with rectangular cross-section with open ends; 
corners have cabled edge; perforation through largest face. L 19,W18, T 12. Bainesse 
1999: 12036. 


Military Equipment (Fig. 13) 

The detecting programme at Bainesse produced nine items of military equipment, a re- 
markable amount when judged against the quantity recovered during the excavations (Cool 
2002, 31 table 93-11 items if the button and loop fastener is excluded) . There are no less 
than three examples of heart-shaped harness pendants (nos. 40-42) , a type hitherto only 
known at Catterick in the shape of a single broken fragment from Site 433 (Lentowicz 2002, 
64 no. 204) . These were in use during the later second and earlier third century and are 
believed to have been part of cavalry horse harness (Oldenstein 1976, 138-9) . 

The lanceolate or tear-shaped pendant no. 43 would have been a uniform item though 
there has been some debate as to whether they served as strap ends to belts or to aprons ( ibid, 
143-4; Webster 1992, 125) . The discovery of an Antonine inhumation burial of an adoles- 
cent or young adult at the Derby Racecourse cemetery' provides useful information about 
their use (Wheeler 1985, burial 220, figs. 105, 120-21). Only the legs of the individual 
survived but in the grave were a set of belt and baldric fittings in positions that strongly 
suggested the deceased had been buried wearing them. There was a single lanceolate strap 
pendant still articulated to the sheet strap end which would have fitted to the leather sU*ap. 
This item was found to the side and slightly above the other fittings consistent with it being 
the strap end of the belt rather than an apron fitting. The fact that only a single example of 
such a pendant was found in the grave would also strongly suggest it was a belt fitting. These 
pendants were in use contemporaneously with the heart-shaped pendants though they prob- 
ably appeared earlier in the second century than the latter. Other late second- to third- 
century belt and baldric fitting are the mount no. 44 and the buckle no. 45. Both of these 
forms have already been identified at Catterick in the assemblages from Site 433 (Lentowicz 
2002, 61 nos. 158-9, 67 no. 230). 

Nos. 46 and 47 are versions of caterpillar mounts, a common find on second- to third- 
century military sites and which may have been used as stiffeners on a variety of straps. The 


CATT ERICK 


105 



Fig 13 - Metalwork: Roman - Fasteners and Fittings; Military Equipment; Religious items; 
Late Saxon - Personal Ornament. 



106 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


normal form is short with two rivets at the back. An example of this form was found at 
Catterick on Site 273 (Mould 2002, 136 no. 6). No. 46 is fragmentary but clearly comes 
from a different form, possibly similar to an example from Corbridge (Allasonjones 1988, 
182 no. 193) where the upper part appears to be curving over in a loop, possibly to form a 
strap junction. No. 47 clearly acted as a support for a pendant and when complete may have 
been similar to an example from Munningen, part of the Raetian Limes system in Germany 
(Oldenstein 1976, 255 no. 450, Taf. 45) where the hinge on the lower edge held an enamelled 
lunula pendant in place in a manner similar to the unribbed fitting from Vindolanda (Bidwell 
1985,119no.l7). 

Finally the looped stud or strap slide no. 48 is probably best also seen as an item of military 
equipment. Such looped studs with a variety of head designs are not uncommon finds on 
military sites. There are for, example, ones with boss and petal heads from Corbridge 
(Allasonjones 1988, 175 no. 136) and Castleford (Bishop 1998, 72 no 266). The latter site 
also produced one with an enamelled head (Cool and Philo 1998, 83 no. 348) , whilst one 
with a rectangular, possibly enamelled head was recovered from South Shields (Allason- 
jones and Miket 1983, 237 no. 3.875) . If the early date for the dumbbell-shaped fittings 
proposed above in relation to nos. 31-32 is correct, then no. 48 might also be of first- to 
second-century date and thus be earlier than the rest of the military equipment recovered 
during the metal detecting. 

As already noted there is an interesting contrast between the material recovered from the 
metal detecting programme and the excavations (Site 46) at Bainesse. It is difficult to make 
direct comparisons between the two assemblages, but military equipment seemed to form a 
relatively small element in the excavated assemblage. If compared to the excavated material 
from Site 433, for example, military finds formed only 3% of the total at Site 46, whereas at 
Site 433 they formed 7% (based on Cool 2002, table 85 excluding miscellaneous category) . 
In the metal detected assemblage military material forms 20% of the identified Roman finds. 
There is also a difference in the date of the material, there is very little in the excavated 
material that need relate to Antonine/Severan military activity (Cool 2002, 32) , whereas this 
assemblage indicates a strong military presence at that time. 


40* Pendant Copper alloy. Heart-shaped pendant with central tang bent backwards to 
form open loop. Upper part of pendant has flared base from which projects diamond- 
shaped plate with blunt pointed terminal; cordon across terminal and small sunken cell in 
tip. L 51, W 21, T. 3. Cf Bishop and Coulston 1993, fig. 1 12.12, 14-6. Bainesse 1998: 4219. 

41* Pendant Copper alloy. Heart-shaped pendant with broken loop. V shaped notch 
on front face below loop. Terminal in form of short pointed projection with expanded tip. 
Typology as no. 40. Bainesse 1998: 7061. 

42 Pendant Copper alloy. Heart-shaped with broken suspension ring; tip missing. 
Typology as no. 40. W. 22, L 22, T2. Bainesse 1998: 4752. 

43* Strap-end. Copper alloy. Lanceolate. D-shaped eye and smoothly oval body; plano- 
convex section. L 34, W eye 12, section 9x3. Cf Webster 1992, 125-6 esp. no. 101. Bainesse 
1998: 7314. 


CATTERICK 


107 


44* Baldric mount. Copper alloy. Trompetenmuster style. Circular with 4 internal rays 
knobbed at junctions and central rectangular shank behind. One edge broken. D 30, LI 5. 
Cf Bishop and Coulston, fig. 91. 4 & 7. Bainesse 1999: 12123. 

45* Buckle. Copper alloy. Trapeziform extension type. Waisted expansion and rectan- 
gular loop; scalloped ends to buckle volutes. L 28, W 24, T 2.5. Cf Webster 1992, 121 no. 78. 
Bainesse 1999: 12415. 

46* Mount. Copper alloy. Rectangular with knob ends; central section hollow backed 
and grooved on front. 2 shanks on reverse; 2 perforated lugs centrally on one side. L. 30, W 
8, W (including lugs) 13.5, T. 5. Bainesse 1 998: 4063. 

47* Mount. Copper alloy. Elongate, hollow-backed oval with central swelling, one end 
missing. Upper face transversely grooved, 2 small rivets on back. Present L. 43, W 1 1 , Max 
T. 5. Bainesse 1999: 12209 

48* Looped stud. Copper alloy. Hollow backed dumb-bell button with rectangular 
loop behind; broken circular loop centrally on one side. L21, W 12, depth 12. CfMacGregor 
1976, fig. 13. Bainesse 1998: 4129. 


Religious Items (Fig. 13) 

Small figurines of cockerels are not uncommon on Roman sites. They range from the well 
executed such as those from Chelmsford and Great Canfield in Essex (Drury and Wickenden 
1982) to somewhat schematic renditions like that from the nzowatCaerleon (Lloyd-Morgan 
2000, 367 no. 114). These, like no. 49, often have their feet joined by a narrow bar. As they 
could not have been freestanding, it has to be assumed that they were part of larger compo- 
sitions. As the cockerel is an attribute of Mercury, it is very likely that many were part of 
small sculptural groups depicting this god such as that found at Verulamium where Mercury 
is surrounded by the figures of a ram, a tortoise and a cockerel, each separately cast (Henig 
1984, 60-61, fig. 19). 


49* Figurine. Copper alloy. Cockerel with head turned to left, feetjoined as small bar. 
Height 40, L. 30, W 14. Bainesse 1998: 4404. 


Late Saxon 

Personal Ornament (Fig. 13) 

The pin no. 50 is the only item that can be assigned to the late Saxon period. These pins 
are found in context of eighth- to tenth-century date (Darling and Gurney 1993, 80; Mainman 
and Rogers 2000, 2577) . 


50* Pin. Copper alloy. Cuboid head decorated with ring and dot decoration. Bainesse 
1997:34 


108 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


Late Medieval 

Personal Ornaments (Fig. 14) 

With the exception of no. 55 all of the later medieval and early post-medieval personal 
ornaments and dress fittings were recovered at Bainesse. Ms Summerfield noted an annular 
brooch of this date (no. 51) in 1997, and two hooked tags (nos. 52 and 53) were found in 
1998. Hooked tags with frame-like attachment loops such as these have were in use from the 
late fifteenth to early seventeenth centuries (Gaimster et <fr2002, 167) . 

The strap-end no. 54, and the buckles nos. 55-7 are fourteenth-century forms whereas a 
fifteenth- to sixteenth-century date would be more appropriate for nos. 58 and 59, though a 
later date cannot entirely be ruled out. The small buttons nos. 60 and 61 may also be late 
medieval though their use continued into the seventeenth century. 


51 Brooch. Copper alloy. Annular decorated with raised incised pattern. Central 

cross motif. D 31 mm. Bainesse 1997: 414. 

52* Hooked tag. Copper alloy. Circular disc with moulded front and sub triangular 
extension with slot at top. L 29, W (of disc) 14, T. 1.5. Bainesse 1998: 4071. 

53* Hooked Tag. Copper alloy. Rectangular tag with rectangular slot and ornate open- 
work piercing in lower part. L 29, W 15, T 2. Bainesse 1999: 12384. 

54* Strap-end. Copper alloy. 2 rectangular plates either side of forked spacer with 
pointed knob and cordon terminal. Rivetted top and bottom. L 34, W 9, T 2.5. Cf. Allen 
1984, fig. 191. 104-5. Bainesse 1998: 4160 

55 Buckle. Copper alloy. Oval frame with pin fragment; two prongs taper away from 
frame and fit into the belt plate. Length 33 mm. {Probably as Hinton 1990, fig. 131 nos. 
1158-9 -HEMC}. Racecourse 1997: 2579 

56* Buckle. Copper alloy. D-shaped frame with double projection for pin seating. L 
19, W21.5,T3.Cf. Hinton 1990, fig. 133.1214. Bainesse 1998: 7371 

57 Buckle. Copper alloy. D shaped frame with narrow cross bar. LI 4, W17, T 5 cf 
Hinton 1990, fig. 131. 1177. Bainesse 1999: 12053. 

58 Buckle. Copper alloy. Double-looped frame. Plain. L. 37,W31 cf. Geddes 1985, 
fig. 49 nos. 9-12 especially 12. Bainesse 1998: 4901 

59 Buckle. Copper alloy. Double-looped frame. Slighdy rounded rectangular, central 
cross-bar missing. Bainesse 1999: 12067 

60 Button. Silver. Winchester Type A Hollow-cast sphere with cable decoration around 
middle and loop on underside. D 13, L 13. Biddle and Cook 1990, 572. Bainesse 1 998: 7013. 

61 Button. Copper alloy. Winchester Type A^ Hemispherical head; looped shank. D. 
10, L 7. Biddle and Cook 1990, 574. Bainesse 1998: 3285. 


CATTERICK 


109 



Fig 14 - Metalwork: Late Medieval - Personal Ornaments; Textile Equipment; Military 
Equipment; Religious Item; Objects of uncertain date. 


110 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


Textile Equipment (Fig. 14) 

As noted above lead whorls were a frequent find during the metal detecting. Those 
catalogued here all have the perforation diameter suitable for medieval spindles but only 
nos. 62 and 63 are sufficiendy diagnostic to be able to date them to a later medieval context 
with certainty. These moulded lead whorls are found from time to time on sites with Roman 
occupation as at Usk (Manning etal\99b, 254 no. 16), Ribchester (Buxton and Howard- 
Davis 2000, fig. 77. no. 39) and in various of the cave sites in West Yorkshire (Raistrick 
1939, 135, fig. 11 nos. 6-8), but well-stratified examples point to a later thirteenth- or four- 
teenth-century floruit. Of particular importance was the discovery of one still in place on an 
oak spindle from a monastic ch ain deposit in Leicester with pottery of the fourteenth cen- 
tury (Clay 1981, 135 no. 71). Other examples from contexts of that date have been found at 
Brompton Bridge, North Yorkshire (Maxwell 1995, 203 no. 16) and New Radnor, Powys 
(Courtney 1998, 173 no. 2) . The confusion as to quite what period these whorls belong to is 
of long standing as one was included in Sir William Lawson ’s collection of ancient items 
from Catterick (Wilson 2002a, 22 plate 9) 


62* Whorl. Lead alloy. Biconical with moulded patterns on faces. Radiating ridge on 
one face, small pellets on other. D 26, L 12.5, perforation D10. Bainesse 1999: 12344 

63* Whorl. Lead alloy. Biconical with moulded ridges in curving square around perfo- 
ration. D 26, perf. D 10, T 14. Manning etal 1995, fig. 77.17. Bainesse 1998: 3163. 

64 Whorl. Lead alloy. Plano-convex. D 25, perforation D 9. Bainesse 1997: 6. 

65 Whorl. Lead alloy. Convex on both faces. D 26, perforation D 8. Bainesse 1997: 
413. 


Military Equipment (Fig. 14) 

The sword, or possibly dagger, chape no. 66 belongs to a type that was current in the late 
fifteenth to sixteenth centuries 

66* Sword chape. Copper alloy. Upper edge broken; band of diamond perforations 
across tip and radially grooved base with T-shape perforation. Ward-Perkins 1940, 285 type 
III. L 35, W 23, T 1.5. Bainesse 1998: 7302. 


Religious Item (Fig. 14) 

The final late medieval find that can be identified with certainty is a pilgrim souvenir in 
the form of a cockle shell ampulla designed to hold holy water. Lead ampullae were popular 
items from the late twelfth century up to the Reformation, but from the fourteenth century 
became more stereotyped and less informative as to which shrine they originated at (Spen- 
cer 1990, 58) . No 67 seems to fall into this later development so date somewhere within the 
mid fourteenth to early sixteenth century would be appropriate. 


CATTERICK 


111 


67* Ampulla. Lead alloy. Cockle shell shaped with flat undecorated back, small loop 
handle; one side missing. L 35, present W. 26. T 13. Bainesse 1998: 3083. 


Uncertain date (Fig. 14) 

Finally, the opportunity is taken to publish two items found at Bainesse which I have been 
unable to find dated comparandaiox but which do not have the appearance of being post 
medieval or modem items 


68* Fitting. Copper alloy. Central perforated disc, with propeller like wings, one 
broken. L 33, W 16, T 4.5. Bainesse 1998: 7073. 

69* Strapjunction. Copper alloy. 4-petalled shape each with key-hole-shaped aperture. 
L45, W 33, T 5. Bainesse 1999: 12124 


Discussion of the metalwork 

As will be obvious from the previous sections, the work in the Racecourse area produced 
relatively few diagnostic finds and these can add little additional information to what we 
already know of occupation in the Catterick area. The situation at Bainesse, however, is 
very different. The date of the material with its emphasis on the second to third centuries is 
not unexpected given the evidence from Site 46. What is surprising is the very strong 
military presence that has been revealed for the later second and third centuries. This is 
reflected not only by the military equipment but also by the brooches with the large numbers 
of knee and other late types. When discussing the finds derived from the excavations at 
Catterick, attention was drawn to the very large number of knee brooches present within the 
town (Mackreth 2002, 153) . Given that brooch wearing was in marked decline amongst the 
majority of the Romano-British population, it was suggested that this reflected the influx of 
an intrusive element in the population who were most likely military and derived from the 
German or Danubian frontiers. As discussed above, the dress fastener assemblage also hints 
at links with that area. The evidence from the metal detecting would suggest that these 
people were as visible at Bainesse as they were in the town itself. 

The settlement at Bainesse is normally viewed as a civilian one albeit with many elements 
that were not typical of a northern rural settlement. Military equipment has been found on 
the site before implying interaction between the inhabitants of Bainesse and of the fort and 
settlement closer to the river, but this strand of the finds assemblage has never been suffi- 
cient to imply an active military presence. What, however, are we to make of the situation 
now? In Table 7 an attempt is made to set the military equipment in context by comparing 
it to that from other Catterick sites. As has already been discussed, differences may be 
expected between a metal detected and an excavated assemblage which will have an effect 
on the type of items recovered. To attempt to achieve comparability the excavated military 
equipment has been restricted to items that are made of copper alloy and which were 
substantially complete - as was most of the metal detected material. Only items that can be 
securely dated on typological grounds to either the later first to second century or the later 
second to third century have been included. 


112 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


Date 

Site 240 

Site 273 

Site 433 

Site 434 

Bainesse MD 

Total 

Cl - C2 

3 

2 

5 

1 

1 

12 

C2 - C3 

- 

1 

5 

- 

8 

14 

Total 

3 

3 

10 

1 

9 

26 


Table 7. A comparison of the copper alloy military equipment found at the various Catterick sites 


As can be seen from this table the Bainesse metal detecting project produced more large 
pieces of Antonine to Severan military equipment than the rest of the sites combined. 
Everything we know about the Roman military suggests that they did not wander around the 
countryside miscellaneously shedding pieces of their equipment. A concentration such as 
this must cause us to question what the military involvement with Bainesse was in the later 
second and third century. It is noticeable that there are a growing number of sites which 
have equipment of this date but no evidence of conventional fort structures. In Yorkshire 
the phenomenon can be noted at the Dalton Parlours villa (Cool 1990, 81) , Casdeford (Cool 
and Philo 1998, 372) and Aldborough (Bishop 1996, 3). In connection widi the items from 
Aldborough, Bishop suggested that the troops in Roman Britain could have increasingly 
been based in towns at diis time, as they were on the continent. Something similar might be 
the explanadon at Bainesse, though if that was happening at Catterick after the closure of 
the Antonine fort, it would perhaps be surprising that the garrison was not based within the 
town itself. Whatever the explanadon this material does provide an interesUng new strand 
of evidence about the Roman military engagement with the Catterick area. The presence of 
the cross bow brooch no. 12 is also significant in this respect, as these brooches seem very 
likely to have been part of the insignia of officialdom in the fourth century. 

Also of interest is the late Saxon and late Medieval presence that is indicated. What 
weight can be put on the discovery of a single late Saxon dress ornament is open to question, 
but the quantity of late Medieval finds is more significant. They are in good condition and 
do not look as if they are present as a result of having been middened and then spread on the 
land as part of a manuring process. Like the Roman material, they give every indication of 
having been recently eroded out of archaeological deposits rather than having been in the 
plough soil for any length of time. Certainly the fragile strap end no. 54 with the sheet plates 
still attached would not have survived in this state if it had been. The finds hint at moder- 
ately high status activity on the site, probably centring around the fourteenth century 

(Submitted November 2002) 

The Ceramic Material by J. Evans 

There were 4917 ceramic finds recovered from the Catterick fieldwalking, each individu- 
ally bagged. These comprise sherds, mainly small and abraded, of Roman, medieval and 
post-medieval pottery and tile. A sample was examined, which suggested that there was no 
great quantity of later post-medieval ceramic but large amounts of medieval-early 
post-mediaeval material and lesser quantities of Roman pottery. 

The material was abraded and there were relatively few Roman rimsherds, which might 
be used for accurate dating and determining more about the nature of the occupation. 
Given the origins and nature of the material it was decided that further examination would 
be of limited benefit in the context of this report. 


CATTERICK 


113 


General Discussion by Pete Wilson 

The project, as well as providing methodological and other results with respect to the 
potential of metal detecting, combined with fieldwalking, has also advanced our knowledge 
of the Catterick area in the Roman period. Not least the recognition of evidence for possible 
second- and third-century military activity at Bainesse (Cool, above) is of particular interest. 
The finds cannot be related to the temporary camp, or camps, recently discovered to the 
south of the modem farm during geophysical surveys undertaken in advance of the latest 
phases of evaluation of the proposed upgrading of the A1 dual carriageway to motorway 
standards. The north-west corner of one camp is clearly visible immediately to the west of 
Bainesse and while c. 30 m to the south of the standing buildings and some 65 m east of the 
west ditch of the first camp what appears as the possible north-west corner of a second camp 
may be visible (Fig. 15) . The camp(s) certainly underlie the buildings of the roadside settie- 
ment to the west of Dere Street and presumably extend under the line of the Roman road as 
well. For the camp(s) to be related to the second- and third-century metalwork the roadside 
settlement south of the modern farm would have to be third-century or later in date. Al- 
though the extent of invasive investigadon of the area south of the farm has been limited 
(Appendix la) such a date for buildings seems unlikely as the 1994 evaluation excavations 
suggested the existence of at least three phases of stone-built structure (Appendix la) and it 
also seems probable that the camp(s) extend under the line of Dere Street itself. Given the 
lack of evidence of multiple courses, or a shift of course for Dere Street this would suggest 
that the camps should be very early Roman and predate the establishment of the made road, 
perhaps even pre-AD 80. Given this a context for the second- and third-century military 
finds must be sought - Cool’s suggestion of an official connection may be useful here. One 
possible function of the Bainesse site may have been as a transhipment point for goods and/ 
or military supplies being transported using the Swale (Wilson 2002a, 185; 2002b, 472) , 
although the possibility of fourth-eentury wharfage near Cataractonium, proper should be 
noted (Site 240 -Wilson 2002a, 192; 2002b, 472). A number of possibilities present them- 
selves: Bainesse may have represented the highest point of navigation on a seasonal basis, 
perhaps while the river upstream was cleared of debris carried down from upstream follow- 
ing the spring melt; or was in the fourth century superseded by the wharfage upstream 
referred to above; or perhaps reflects a longer period of time when changes in the braided 
river channel of the Swale, as currently seen north of Marne Barracks, restricted river access 
to the town site. Certainly Bainesse was well placed to service traffic on the river being no 
more than 1.1 km from its current course and, given the meandering nature of the river, 
possibly closer in the Roman period. 

Other possible explanations of the military metalwork include the existence of an unrec- 
ognised fort in the Bainesse area. Given what is known of the dating of the three forts at the 
river crossing (Wilson 2002b, 446-51) , and in particular the uncertainty surrounding the 
abandonment dates of the second, Antonine, fort and the establishment of the third fort 
associated with the town defences, a fort at Bainesse could be slotted into a possible chrono- 
logical gap in the fort sequence. However an obvious question is ‘why move the fort to 
Bainesse?’; particularly when the strategic advantages of the river crossing site seem clear. 
There is no obvious reason. However, if the major building suspected to underlie the mod- 
ern farm and evidenced by a ‘square-arched vault’ found around 1800 (Longstaffe 1852, 46; 


114 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 



\ 


Bainesse ' ^ ' 

t \ \ \ \ \ \ 


?Camp 


Marne Barracks 


5.00 

4.17 

3.33 

2.50 

1.67 

0.83 

0 

-0.83 
-1.67 
-2.50 
-3.33 
-4.17 
-5.00 nT 


Archaeological Services 


Durham University 


This map is based upon the OS map by English Heritage with the 
permission of Ordnance Survey on behalf of The Controller of Her 
Majesty's Stationery Office, © Crown copyright. All rights reserved. 
Unauthorised reproduction infringes Crown Copyright and may lead 
to prosecution or civil proceedings. Licence Number: 100019088. 


250m 


ERL 


Fig. 15 - Plot of results from geomagnetic survey at Bainesse showing Roman camp(s) . The survey was 
undertaken by Archaeological Services Durham University in 2004 as part of the evaluation programme 
in advance of the upgrading of A1 dual-carriageway to motorway standards between Dishforth and 
Barton. 



CATT ERICK 


115 


Wilson 2002a, 31 - NB the date of 1880 on Wilson 2002a, fig. 17 is incorrect) and by more 
recent observation (Mr D Chapman of Bainesse - pers comm) , were to represent a mansio 
(Wilson 2002a 185) , replacing that demolished at Cataractonium, around AD 200, a military 
association with the site might tentatively be suggested. Perhaps undermining that sugges- 
tion is the recognition of a trend in Roman Britain that ‘from the end of the third century 
special buildings set aside as mansio accommodation were destroyed or demolished at 
several sites’ (Black 1995, 84) and the possibility that from around the beginning of the third 
century at Catterick, following the demolition of the second-century mansiowdiS ‘an option 
chosen by the authorities of the cimtas Bngantum. By their decision the inhabitants of 
Cataractoniumwere obliged to accommodate official travellers in their homes’ ( ibid) . How- 
ever against this must be set the evidence from other military sites drawn together by Black 
(1995, 85) for the continued provision of purpose-built accommodation for official travel- 
lers, a provision that he relates to an edict of Octavian that gave veteran soldiers, amongst 
other things, an ‘exemption from providing lodging and winter billeting for official’, an 
exemption that extended to ‘their parents, children and wives’. Black points out ( ibid) that 
‘by the late third century many of the population of places like Corbridge or Lancaster may 
have been related by marriage to serving soldiers’, necessitating the provision of purpose- 
built accommodation for official travellers, and although there is some uncertainty about 
the existence of a fort at Catterick in the earlier third century, the same is likely to be true 
and a mansio, or other purpose-built accommodation would be required given the impor- 
tance of Dere Street in the Roman-period communication network. 

Cool (above) understandably questions the appropriateness of the Bainesse settlement as 
a place to garrison troops on the local population given the proximity to Cataractonium. 
However against that is the record of military bricks or tiles with stamps referring to a unit 
of Sarmatian cavalry and reading ‘Eq(uites) Sar(matae)' (RIBllA, 2479), or possibly A (la) 
Sar(matarum) or N(umerus) Sar(matarum) (Watkin 1887, 127) from the square-arched vault 
referred to above. The bricks provide further evidence of military involvement with the site, 
or at least access to military-originated materials on the part of those living there. A Central 
Gaulish samian inkwell manufactured at Lezoux was found during the 1981-2 excavations 
on the roadside settlement to the north of the modern farm (Wilson 2002a, 139-85). It 
derived from a context dating to c. AD 200-75, although the vessel itself was second-century 
in date. Willis (2005, 103) notes an association between inkwells and major civil centres 
(39% of known British finds spots) and also with military sites (over 30% of finds spots if 
Bainesse is included) and it is possible that the Bainesse example may provide further 
evidence of a military involvement in the site. Interestingly, the later second- and third- 
century dating of the metalwork from Bainesse, coincides with the deployment of 5,500 
Sarmatian cavalry to Britain by Marcus Aurelius in AD 1 75 and given the brick stamps it is 
possible that the metalwork derives from an element of that force that was associated with 
the site. The heart-shaped pendants (Cool, Nos. 40-42 - above) , as pieces of cavalry equip- 
ment are in keeping with this suggestion, although are not ethnically diagnostic, whereas 
other non-British types, the knee brooches discussed by Mackreth (2002, 153-54) and the 
dress-fasteners (Cool, above) while being assigned a origin on the German or Danubian 
frontiers are perhaps more likely to derive from the former, rather than from the Danube 
which would have meant that they could have been taken as further potential evidence of 
Sarmatians. However cumulatively the evidence, including gold-in-glass beads from the im- 


116 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


mediate environs of Cataractonium, for Sarmatians at Catterick as proposed by Cool (2002, 
42-43) and probably at, or linked to Bainesse is persuasive. In further reviewing the glass 
from Bainesse Cool (pers comm, Cool & Mason forthcoming, Table 10.2) has also noted that 
the glass from Bainesse (Cool and Price 2002) comes out as a late second century/mid third 
century cup-dominated assemblage and points to the fact that at that date cup-dominated 
assemblages tend to be elite indicators, deriving from buildings associated with military 
officers or similar. 

A further possible explanation of the military material is the involvement of the site in 
supplying die military (Wilson 2002a, 185) and the geophysical results from the A1 Evalua- 
tion (Appendix la; Bardett 1994, 21, 89) suggest that the industrial acdvity evidenced by 
pottery kiln excavated in 1994 (Busby et al 1996) may have been quite extensive and serve 
to underpin such a suggesdon. That having been said Cool (above p. 102) is undoubtedly 
correct to question why material would be so readily lost - if it were manufactured or 
repaired at Bainesse it is reasonable to assume that die craftspeople involved would ensure 
it was supplied, or returned to die military, rather than be left lying around on site. However 
an associadon with military supply might provide a context for die high status glass noted by 
Cool, if Bainesse were associated with the activities of, or was the base for a beneficiarius 
engaged in obtaining or distributing supplies for the army (suggestion byj Evans pers 
comm, see also Isserlin (2002, 525) and Wilson (2002b, 455) for discussion of beneficiarii 
Catterick and military supply. Beneficianiwere soldiers, ‘usually legionary, seconded for 
special dudes by favour ( beneficium) of a specific senior officer; in pardcular the beneficianus 
consulans, and officer on the governor’s staff, who might be out-posted’ (Collingwood and 
Wright 1965, 836). An altar, found in 1620, was restored by a beneficiarius consulans is 
recorded from Thorn brough-on-Swale, or Catterick Bridge, that is from in or near the 
Roman town: 

‘To the god who devised roads and paths Titus Irdas, singulans consulans, gladly, 
willingly, and deservedly fulfilled his vow; Quintus Varius Vitalis, beneficiarius of the 
governor, restored this sacred altar in the consulship of Apronianus and Bradua,’ (R.I.B. 
725). 

The reference to the Consuls Apronianus and Bradua allows the altar to be dated: 

‘to the A.D. 191. Q. Varius Vitalis restored in that year, an altar which another man, 
perhaps a predecessor with the same function had ‘dedicated ‘to the God who invested 
roads and paths’ a curious conception, otherwise unattested, which perhaps reflects the 
nature of Vitalis’ duties’ (Birley 1979, 88). 

While Vitalis could easily have been concerned with road maintenance, an appreciation of 
their benefits could also derive from an involvement in the movement of supplies on behalf 
of the army. However it should be noted that beneficiarii could both have a range of duties, 
presumably at the discredon of die sponsoring officer and were not all representatives of the 
Provincial Governor as the existence of a range of other titles indicates: beneficianus 
pro curatoris and beneficianus praesid is, both on the staff of the provincial headquarters, 
and also beneficiarii legati legionis and beneficiarius tribuni serving on legionary staff 
(Watson 1969, 185 n. 199). A second altar ( KI.B . 726) from Thornbrough-on-Swale, found 
before 1823, that was set up to the goddess Suria by a Gaius N(. . .) 0(. . .) who simply de- 
scribed himself as a beneficiarius and could have had any range of roles, including adminis- 


CATTERICK 


117 



KEY 

350AD and later 
Other 4th C coins 


Marne Barracks 




This map is based upon the OS map by English Heritage with the 
permission of Ordnance Survey on behalf of The Controller of Her 
Majesty's Stationery Office, © Crown copyright. All rights reserved. 
Unauthorised reproduction infringes Crown Copyright and may lead 
to prosecution or civil proceedings. Licence Number: 100019088. 

\ ERL 


Fig 16 - Plot of fourth-century coin finds from the metal detector survey at Bainesse. 


118 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


tration of the tax system, or administration of the military incus outside the fort at 
Thornbrough as has been suggested previously (Wilson 2002a, 120-21; 2002b, 456). Nei- 
ther altar derives from Bainesse, which in itself need not rule out a link between the 
beneficiarii and Bainesse, as the Roman town might have been a more appropriate place for 
public demonstrations of religious piety. What they do is serve to demonstrate is the exist- 
ence of military officials with ‘special duties’ in the Catterick area and thereby make Dr. 
Evans’ suggestion all that more credible. 

The coins from the metal detector survey support the dating proposed for the Bainesse 
roadside settlement following the 1994 evaluation excavations and presented in the report 
on the 1981-2 excavations (Wilson 2002a, 185) . The strong impression being that the south- 
ern part of the roadside setdement, or at least that part of it up to 300 m south of modern 
Bainesse remained more strongly in occupation into the fourth century, possibly into the 
diird quarter given the discovery of seventeen coins dating to AD 350 or later (Lig 16) , than 
die areas invesdgated in 1981-2 to the north of the modern farm. In the areas excavated it 
appeal s possible that only a single plot (Buildings 387 /41 82) remained in use into the first of 
the fourth century, although post-holes of a possible fourth-century structure were recorded 
to the south over Building 4572 (Phase 8 - Wilson 2002a, 173-78) , with no evidence of 
buildings post-dating AD 350. Clearly the later coins from the metal detecdng project could 
relate to casual losses by people using Dere Street, but the proportion appears rather high 
represenUng some 5.3% of the Roman coins and an explanation of their presence related to 
continued use of the southern part of the site appears preferable. What the results of the 
1994 evaluations and the project considered here cannot do is add to our understanding of 
the longevity of the site in the face of the development of the ‘small town’ at the river crossing 
and die villa that is believed to lie within the area of Marne Barracks (formerly RAF Catterick) 
(Hildyard 1955; Cramp 2002) - the suggestions made previously (Wilson 2002a, 185) of 
economic strength deriving from the existence some focus such as a temple (perhaps to 
Cybele given the nearby burial suggested as that of a gallus (Cool 2002, 41-42) ) or perhaps 
a mansio, or the function of the site as a continuing focus for industrial activity must stand. 

Given that Early Anglian activity is well-attested in the area through the burial record 
(Wilson atal 1996; Moloney etal 2003; Speed inprepb), it is perhaps worth noting the lack 
of finds horn that period from either the metal detecting or the fieldwalking. Our evidence 
for settlement sites remains restricted to a thin scatter of Grubenhduser that is in contrast 
with the known character of contemporary occupation elsewhere (for example West Heslerton 
- Powlesland in prep ) . 


CATT ERICK 


119 


APPENDIX 1. EVALUATION EXCAVATIONS SOUTH OF BAINESSE, AND 

NORTH OF THE RIVER SWALE 1993 

by P.R. Wilson with contributions by P.A. Busby, J. Evans, J.R Huntley and P. Makey 

As part of a programme of evaluation to inform the development of a mitigation strategy 
in advance of the proposed conversion of the A1 dual carriageway between Leeming and 
Scotch Corner to motorway standards the (then) Central Archaeology Service of English 
Heritage undertook excavation in combination with non-in vasive survey work along the 
central section of the proposed route between Leases Lane (SE 4251 4858) and Catterick 
Northjunction (SE4221 5013). The work was funded by the Department of Transport 
through W S Atkins-Northern Ltd. A total of 21 sites were examined and are reported on in 
Wilson (1994) . A Roman pottery kiln, the first from Catterick, of the later third to fourth 
century was excavated in what is now Marne Barracks (then RAF Catterick) (Busby etal 
1996) . This report seeks to bring the results from a further two of the sites investigated to a 
wider audience. 

Appendix la - South of Bainesse (Site 506) (centred SE 4243 4968) 

(Yorkshire Museum Accession Number: YORYM 1995.4503) 

The area investigated (Fig. 17) incorporates the line of Dere Street, the agger of which is 
visible as a pronounced north-south mound close to the western boundary of the Al. The 
archaeological potential of the area was apparent from previous discoveries (Wilson 2002a, 
31-32, fig. 17) , casual collection and observation by the landowners over many years, and a 
preliminary 7 ‘walkover’ survey undertaken in advance of the evaluation phase (WS Atkins- 
Northern 1992, C6/1). 


Type of Find 

Number of fieldwalking 
transects where found 

Weight 

Ceramics (total) 

486 

8.32kg 

Roman 

99 

3.26kg 

Mortaria 

6 


Amphora 

5 


Samian 

37 


Medieval 

143) 


Post-Medieval 

220) 

5.06kg 

Tile 

231 

40. 14kg 

Roman 

70 

6. 10kg 

Tesserae 

4 


Lithics 

20 


Sl3g 

62 

3. 88kg 

Mortar 

5 


Stone 

2 


Fired clay 

15 



Table 8. Fieldwalking finds - summary quantification 


120 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 



Possible extent of 
building complex 


Area of ASDU 
geophysical survey 




Bainesse ' ' ' 

L \ \ \ \ \ \ 

k\ \ x ' \ 


Marne Barracks 


This map is based upon the OS map by English Heritage with the 
permission of Ordnance Survey on behalf of The Controller of Her 
Majesty's Stationery Office, © Crown copyright. Ail rights reserved. 
Unauthorised reproduction infringes Crown Copyright and may lead 
to prosecution or civil proceedings. Licence Number: 100019088. 


250m 


ERL 


Fig 17 - Bainesse area showing the location of the location of the Site 506 evaluation trenches 


CATTERICK 


121 


Methodology 

Fieldwalking and metal detecting were both employed on the main north-south axis adja- 
cent to the A1 and on the line of a proposed service road where it would have diverged to the 
north-west to join Catterick Lane. Geophysical survey (magnetometry) was undertaken on 
the line of the service road. The southern limit of the site was defined at a point roughly 
coincident with an increase in Roman material visible on the surface. Subsequent to the 
start of the non-invasive work, the landowners, Mr and Mrs D and Mr and Mrs P Chapman, 
kindly gave permission for four trial trenches to be excavated (Fig. 1 7) . As an aid to record- 
ing the fieldwalking and metal detecting survey was designated Site Sub-Division [SSD] 1 
and each transect assigned an individual context number. 

Results 

Fieldwalking and Metal Detecting 

In contrast with the results reported in the main text the metal detecting survey under- 
taken as part of this programme of work did not produce any data of archaeological signifi- 
cance, most of the material appearing to have derived from recent agricultural activity. 

Lithics from Fieldwalking by Peter Makey 
Summary 

Given the low level of data in existence relating to the prehistoric period in the area the 24 
flint and chert artefacts represent a small but significant group of probable later Neolithic to 
early Bronze Age material. The chert is probably till-derived, originating from either Wens- 
leydale or Swaledale and at almost 21%, it represents a substantial proportion of the lithic 
assemblage. The flint is a mixture of fine-grained olive/grey till-derived material and multi- 
coloured, mainly red and yellow, poor flint which was probably obtained from local river 
banks. 


Artefact Type 

Total 

Number 

Broken 

Contexts 

Flint 

Chert 

Cores:- Unclassifiable 

1 


128 

1 


Hammer Stones 

2 


55, 95 

1 

1 

Chunks 

4 


42, 63 , 188, 353 

2 

2 

Flakes 

9 

6 

107, 115, 192, 353 , 399 , 
408(x2), 8512, 8580 

8 

1 

Blades 

3 

2 

305, 442(x2) 

3 


Miscellaneously Retouched Flakes 

3 


03, 28, 348 

2 

1 

Edge Utilised Flakes 

1 


01 

1 


Microliths:- 

Obliquely Blunted Points 

1 

1 

315 

1 



Struck Flint - 19 Struck Chert — 5 Un-worked Natural — 2 (context 409). 


fable 9. Summary catalogue of fieldwalked lithics from Site 506 


122 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


The single microlith fragment from context 315 probably represents a casual loss and is 
clearly residual. The microlith does not match the remaining lithic pieces. The piece is 
characteristic of later Mesolithic assemblages and is quite rare in this area. 

The presence of two hammerstones and a core indicates a limited degree of prehistoric 
knapping on this site, although without further context information, one cannot firmly 
associate all these elements. 

Catalogue: By Raw Material and Context 


Chert - 5 
Context 3 
Context 42 
Context 55 

Context 188 

Context 8580 


Miscellaneously Retouched Flake. 

Chunk 

Hammer-stone. 

Chunk has been used as a hammer-stone. 

Chunk 

Possesses a light misty grey-coloured patina. 

Flake. 

Black chert, rolled, with heavy post depositional damage. 


Flint - 19 

Context 1 Edge Utilised Hake. 

Context 28 Miscellaneously Retouched Hake. 

Secondary or ternary reduction, totally calcined (i.e. bumtwhite). 
Context 63 Chunk 


Context 95 
Context 107 

Context 115 
Context 138 

Context 192 


Olive-coloured till derived flint with secondary cortex, heavy 
post-depositional damage and battering. 

Hammer-stone . 

Flake. 

Broken secondary flake, manufactured on olive-coloured till flint. 
Hake (broken). 

Core - Un classifiable. 

Hake core. 

Hake (broken). 

Possessing a dense white coloured patina the piece is rolled and 
exhibits hackle scars, (hackles = rough feathered lines, initiated by 
excessive shock). 


CATTERICK 123 


Context 305 

Blade. 

Context 31 5 

Chunky secondary blade, possessing dorsal (upper face) scars, 

a motded white cortication and post depositional damage. 

The piece looks Neolithic. 

Microlith (fragment). 

Probably from small obliquely blunted point. 

This piece is unpatinated. Later Mesolithic in date. 

Context 348 

Miscellaneous Retouched Flake. 

Retouched all over, this piece bears some similarities to a 
small unfinished leaf type Arrowhead. Manufactured on olive 
coloured till flint. The piece possesses cortex and 
possible traces of use wear on its edges. 

Context 353 

Chunk 

Context 399 

Tertiary reduction (i.e. no cortex) ; coarse grained flint 

rolled and burnt with a mottled blue patina. 

Flake (broken) . 

Coarse grained flint, burnt and exhibiting a light white patina. 

Flake. 

Context 408 

Tertiary flake (no cortex) manufactured on till flint. 

Traces of right hand side use wear. 

Flake (broken). 

Secondary (cortical) flake. 

Flake. 

Context 442 

Secondary flake with mottled white patina. 

Blade (broken). 

Secondary reduction, possessing blade scars, a salient bulb, 

heavy post-depositional damage and a light mottled white patina. 

Blade (broken). 

Secondary reduction (cortical) . Manufactured on, till flint. 

Context 8512 

Flake (broken). 


Medium grained olive till flint, secondary or tertiary reduction 

[This report is a reduced version of that prepared for the Evaluation Report in 1994 (Makey 
in Wilson 1994, 104-110).] 


124 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


THE ROMAN POTTERYFROM FIELDWALKING ^Jeremy Evans 

Site 506 produced 333 Roman sherds from fieldwalking allowing a rather more detailed 
examination of their date distribution. Some 75 sherds of samian ware were recovered, 
of which seven were possibly South Gaulish, 61 Central Gaulish and seven East Gaulish 
(9%; 81%; 9%) . This tends to suggest very little first-century activity here in comparison with 
the second century. The proportion of apparently oxidised ware sherds in the coarseware 
collection, around 17%, might seem to contradict this, but severe difficulty was encountered 
in separating this from die post-medieval material and it seems likely that some of this should 
have been allocated to the latter category. Similarly the mortaria collecdon from the site, 
comprising five Mancetter-Hartshill vessels, two in the Catterick-Piercebridge fabric MB1 1 
and a single Cram beck parchment ware vessel lacks any first-century material and also has 
none of the local earlier second-century fabric MB1 6 ubiquitous on the excavated Bainesse 
Roman road side settlement site (Bell and Evans 2002) . The small mortaria collection 
seems to suggest activity peaking in the later second century, continuing through die third 
and possibly declining a little in the fourth century. Table 10 tabulates the fabric occur- 
rence by major ware class from the Site 506 fieldwalking collecdon. 

Undoubtedly there are likely to be some biases in the collecdon as a result of its fieldwalked 
nature, the most obvious would seem to be in the high representadon of samian ware which 
is highly visible in the field. This can be assessed to some extent by comparing the fieldwalked 
collecdon with that which comes from die excavated trial trenches (Table 1 1 ) although here 
the deposits excavated are predominantly of later Roman date and therefore may under- 
represent the presence of samian. Analysis of the stratified material will be discussed 
below, but the material from the trial trenches seems to be broadly consistent with the 
fieldwalking collecdon so far as dating evidence goes. The vast majority of the fabrics 
present are consistent with activity in the second and third centuries with a distinct 
decline in the fourth century and very little evidence of acUvity in the second half of the 
fourth century. The latter point is particularly notable in relation to the proportion of 
calcite gritted ware sherds, which is very low, whereas in pottery groups of the second 


Fabric 

% 

Oxidised? 

17.7% 

White slipped 

0.6% 

SG Samian 

2.1% 

Whiteware 

1.2% 

Dressel 20 amphora 

5.1% 

Campanian amphora 

0.6% 

Greyware 

31.5% 

BBl 

2.4% 

Mortaria 

2.4% 


Fabric % 


Gritted wheelmade 

3.0% 

Rhenish 

0.3% 

Nene Valley 

7.2% 

CG Samian 

18.3% 

Oxfordshire 

0.3% 

BBl imitation 

1.8% 

Crambeck grey 

2.1% 

Crambeck copy red 

0.3% 

Calcite gritted 

0.9% 


n= 333 


Table 10. Fabric classes from fieldwalked material from Site 506 


CATTERICK 


125 


half of the fourth century the fabric usually represents around 50% of them. 

The lack of evidence of intense activity on the site in the first century is quite consistent 
with the evidence from the excavated Bainesse Roman roadside settlement site (Bell and 
Evans 2002) , but whereas that site seems to decline markedly by the second half of the third 
century this collection does not seem to undergo a similar decline until the first half of the 
fourth century. 

[This report is a reduced version of that prepared for the Evaluation Report in 1994 (Evans 
in Wilson 1994, 95-96).] 

Discussion of the Fieldwalked Material 

Although the quantity of medieval pottery was sufficient to suggest the possibility of 
occupation in the area there was no structural evidence to support the idea, although the 
origins of the farm at Bainesse are uncertain. With regard to the finds from the 1997-9 work 
Cool’s suggestion that they may provide possible evidence of ‘moderately high status activ- 
ity on the site, probably centring around the fourteenth century’ (above-p. 102) isofinterest 
with regard to the potential origins of Bainesse. It is likely that the bulk of the medieval and 
post-medieval material relates to the proximity of the site to the post-medieval and modem 
farm of Bainesse, The Great North Road, and its probable location within the medieval 
fields of Catte rick village and areas of manuring activity. However again Cool’s comments 
( ibid) regarding the preservation of material give pause for thought given that the late 
Medieval finds: 

‘are in good condition and do not look as if they are present as a result of having been 
middened and then spread on the land as part of a manuring process. Like the Roman 
material, they give every indication of having been recendy eroded out of archaeological 
deposits rather than having been in the plough soil for any length of time’. 

For the southern and western part of the area the magnetometer survey of the proposed 
slip road (Bardett in Wilson 1994, 21, 89) identified elements of the ridge and furrow pat- 
tern, indicadng that at least that part of the site formed part of the open fields at one time. 
Medieval or later robbing of Roman period structures, as is suggested by the animal bone (R 
Stokes in Wilson 1994, 114-17), might also provide a further cause for the introducdon of 
some of the pottery, but would not serve to explain away the well-preserved metalwork 
which appears to indicate the presence of occupaUon deposits. 

Trial Trenches by P.A. Busby and P.R. Wilson 

The excavation of four trenches (Fig. 17) allowed a limited sample of the previously 
unexplored southern part of this extensive site to be investigated. The trenches were num- 
bered SSDs 2-5, reflecting the designation of the fieldwalking and metal detecting survey as 
SSD 1. 

Site Sub Division 4 (Fig. 18a) 

The southernmost trench demonsU ated that the line of Dere Street converges with that of 
the A1 dual-carriageway, with only the westernmost 4 m of the Roman road appearing out- 
side the highway boundary. 

To the west of the Roman road the remains of two Roman buildings were found at 0.35 m 


126 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


below the surface of the field. Building 1231 was adjacent to Dere Street and Building 1211 
a further 9 m back from the road. Further away from the road there is a concentration of 
Roman period pits. Those pits sampled suggest that they may primarily have been created as 
‘borrow pits’ for gravel. Fill 1205 of pit 1206 produced significant quantities of carbonised 
hulled bailey (Huntley pp. 122-23 -below; see also -Huntley in Wilson 1994, 125-26; Hundey 
2002,443-45). 


Site Sub-Division 5 (Fig. 19a) 

The second trench, located 251 m north of SSD 4, produced evidence of at least three 
phases of well-preserved sUaictures at its eastern end. The highest elements of these build- 
ings were only 0.23 m below the modern ground surface indicating that ploughing had 
probably caused little destruction, although there were seven clear plough-scars in the ex- 
posed surface. 

The earliest defined structural phase (Building 1341) (Fig. 19b) was represented by two 
walls at right-angles to each other. The first wall consisted of a mortared river-rolled stone 
foundation aligned at approximately 60° to Dere Street and surviving to a depth of over 0.5 
m. The second wall again consisted of river-rolled stones but with the addition of flat lime- 
stone slabs. Little more can be said about this building as it was exposed in the bottom of a 
later intrusive feature, robber pit 1334. 

A second building (Building 1342) (Fig. 19c), overlay the first, and was represented by a 
vertical sided, 0.9 m wide and 0.25 m deep feature (1304) . This may possibly represent a 
robber trench for a stone wall, but given its symmetrical appearance it could indicate the 
prior existence of a massive sill-beam trench. The sill beam or robber trench was associated 
with rubble and mortar floors to either side, suggesting that it is likely to represent an 
internal wall of a building roughly aligned at right-angles to, or parallel with, Dere Street. 

The third probable structure (Building 1343) (Fig. 19d) was represented by a pair of post- 
holes and large flat stones. The former were apparently cut into the rubble floor of the 
earlier structure, Building 1342. This would seem to indicate that either the frontage of the 
earlier building was being modified, or that Building 1343 represents a completely new 
structure built over Building 1342. 

The eastern end of the trench was occupied by a large intrusive feature, referred to above 
as robber pit 1334. This latter feature produced large quantities of pottery, animal bone, a 
fragment of opus sigmnum and painted wall plaster. Most of this material is of Roman date, 
including the opus signinum, the painted wall plaster and all of the pottery. However the size 
of some of the animal bones from the lower fill of pit 1334 (context 1318) suggests that at 
least some of them wee late medieval or early post-medieval in date (Stokes 1994, 115). 

Also found in this general area during fieldwalking were tile tesserae, suggesting that at 
least one of the buildings in this area incorporated a tessellated pavement - the first known 
from the Bainesse site. The possible sill-beam trench (1304) produced a worked jet furniture 
fitting (Summerfield in Wilson 1994, 113) and further painted plaster. Taken together this 
evidence demonstrates the existence of one, or more, well-appointed major structures in 
this area, possibly during more than one phase of occupation of the site. The location of 
these buildings seems to coincide with a ‘concentration of stones encountered in ploughing’ 


CATTERICK 






o s < 


127 


Fig 18 - Site 506 a) SSD 4. Plan showing the location of buildings 1211 and 1231; b) SSD 3. Plan showing the 
location of buildings 1128 and 1129; c) SSD 2. Section across Dere Street. 


Area of insets b. c and d 


128 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 



showing structures east of Dere Street. 


CATTERICK 


129 


reported by Mr P Chapman of Bainesse ( pers comm ) . The extent of this building complex 
may be represented by a slight earthwork visible in the field. This earthwork extends for 
approximately 45 m to the north of SSD 5 and obscures the eastern side of the agger of Dere 
Street (Fig. 17). 

The buildings described above were shown to front onto the eastern side of Dere Street, 
which in this area had a fme gravel surface. To the west of Dere Street and 13m west of these 
buildings, there was evidence of further buildings set at right-angles to the Roman road. One 
building ( 1 344) was represented by a river-rolled stone wall foundation in a clay matrix that 
extended for at least 11m along the southern side of the trench. Some 0.3 m to the north of 
this wall a line of post-pads possibly indicated the existence of another building, or struc- 
ture. 

Site Sub-Division 3 (Fig. 18b) 

SSD 3 was 74 m to the north of SSD 5 and the central part of the trench was occupied by 
the pronounced agger of Dere Street, the surface of which consisted of large water-rolled 
stones with a dressing of smaller gravel. This surface was within 0.30 m of the modern 
ground surface indicating that ploughing had caused litde damage. 

To the east of the crest of Dere Street a number of north-south linear features were 
recorded including a probable roadside drain (1116) and ditches. At the extreme eastern 
end of the trench a small gravel surface (1103) may represent a floor, area of yardage, or 
similar. 

To the west of the crest of Dere Street a number of north-south lines of stones were 
apparent. These are possibly associated structures built over part of the road, or they might 
represent kerbs or other elements of the road during different phases. Further west the 
remains of two buildings set at right-angles to Dere Street were recorded (1128 and 1129), 
between which there was a substantial cobble path. Both these buildings were represented 
by lines of angular limestone blocks that probably served to support sill-beams. The north- 
ern building appears to have contained an earthen floor. 

Site Sub-Division 2 (Fig. 18c) 

SSD 2 was the northernmost trench, being located to cut across the pronounced north- 
south feature visible in the surface of the field that represents the agger of Dere Street. 

The removal of c. 0.30 m of topsoil revealed a compact fme gravel surface (1007) at the 
western end of the trench and the remains of a rough cobble surface (1010) 6 m to the west 
of it. The latter appears on the evidence seen in SSD 3 to represent a late surface of Dere 
Street, with the fme gravel possibly representing the floor of a structure to the west of the 
road. 

Given the poor preservation of the highest levels of Dere Street observed in this trench, it 
was chosen as the site of a hand and machine-cut sondage designed to investigate the lower 
levels of Dere Street. Beneath 0.3 m of topsoil there was aim thick sequence of layers of soil 
and rubble. The lowest layer (1005) was particularly soft, dark, and finds-rich, and not of a 
character that might be expected for a make-up layer in a road. Finds included pottery, 
animal bone and slag. This soil layer overlay what appeared to be an early surface of Dere 
Street with a probable roadside ditch (1016) on its eastern side. This surface of Dere Street 


130 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


took the form of a very compact layer of gravel (1012) that overlay, what appeared to be, 
undisturbed subsoil. An intrusion in the surface contained a possible cremation burial 
(1015) - however, some of the bones appear to be sheep (KIzard -pers rommfollowing on- 
site inspection). 

In addition a compact area of large cobbles (1003) was recorded at the eastern end of the 
trench, indicating the potential presence of buildings or yard surfaces to the east of Dere 
Street. 

THE ROMAN POTTERYFROM THE EVALUATION TRENCHES ^Jeremy Evans 

Table 1 1 presents the fabric proportions of Roman material from the excavated 
deposits from Site 506, including the unstratified material. These may be compared with 
die results from Table 9 above, although since upper deposits were those mainly excavated 
later Roman material might be expected to be more heavily represented. 

In fact although later third-century material is better represented than amongst the 
fieldwalking material fourth-century material really is not, again emphasising a decline 
in activity in this period. 

Spot dating 
Site Sub-division 2 

context 1002- layer 

This contains only seven sherds, including a Nene Valley beaker bodysherd and two BB1 
bodysherds with square/obtuse latUce decoration which must date to the third century or 
later. 

context 1004- layer 

This forms a much better group of 61 sherds of fairly consistent date, with several beaded 
and flanged bowls in the local BB1 imitation fabric and greyware and a single sherd of 
Crambeck greyware, a later third-century date, perhaps c. AD 270-300 would seem appro- 
priate. 

context 1006- layer 

This contains 25 sherds of more mixed date the latest being a handmade gif tted ware lid 
seated jar rim and a grooved hammerhead mortarium in fabric MB1 1, both perhaps 
suggesting the later third century as a terminus post quern for later deposits. 



o 


Fig 20 - Selected pottery from Sites 506 and 511 evaluation trenches. 


25 mm 


CATTERICK 


131 


Fabric 

% 

Oxidised? 

3.1% 

White slipped 

0.2% 

SG Samian 

0.7% 

Whiteware 

0.2% 

Dressel 20 amphora 

1.6% 

Campanian amphora 

0 

Greyware 

44.7% 

BBl 

18.4% 

Mortaria 

2.0% 

Gritted wheelmade 

3.8% 

Rhenish 

0.2% 


Fabric 

% 

Nene Valley 

1.6% 

CG Samian 

2.9% 

Oxfordshire 

0 

BBl imitation 

10.7% 

Crambeck grey 

1.3% 

Crambeck copy red 

0.8% 

Calcite gritted 

2.0% 

East Gaulish samian 

1.3% 

BB2 

0.2% 

Gritted handmade 

4.0% 

Roughcast 

0.2% 


n= 450 

Table 11. Roman fabric proportions from Site 506 excavated deposits 
context 1011- machine cut 

This contains 49 sherds with a predominantly third-century emphasis, the latest pieces 
being a beaded and flanged bowl in a wheelmade gritted ware and a face pot bodysherd with 
stamped bosses in the local Crambeck copy redware (below) . The latter perhaps suggests a 
fourth-century date, although the dating of this fabric is not well known (Fig. 20, no. 1) . 

The Face Pot 

A bodysherd from a head pot in an oxidised fabric with a pale grey core and orange 
margins and surfaces with common quartz sand temper d). 2-0. 5mm, probably Catterick 
Crambeck copy redware, 4th century. The sherd is burnt. Two bosses, pushed out into a 
mould to give cross-shaped stamps are present. These would have formed an arc to indicate 
the hair presumably, and that certainly seems to have been the case with the example illus- 
trated by Braith waite (1984, fig. 13, no 3) from York. 

The origins of this northern group of bossed head-pots seems to have been Crambeck 
(Braithwaite 1984, fig. 13, no 2) and the Catterick Crambeck copy industry (Evans 2002, fig 
139, nos SS85-SS90) . Although on some examples the stamped bosses are clearly used to 
indicate hair as a whole, a possible inspiration for this may have come from diademed 
imperial portraits on coins (cf. Reece (2002) pis. 30 and 31 of Constantius II and Constantine 
D). 

context 1012- surface ofDere Street 

This contains three sherds, one of which is from an East Yorkshire Holme-on-Spalding 
Moor vessel with running loop burnished decoration and is likely to date to the later third 
century or later. 

Site Sub-division 4 

context 1207 -pot in surface layer 1212 

A fairly complete profile of aBBl jar (54 sherds), well burnt, of later third-century date. 


132 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


context 1208 - fill of pit 1209 

This contains 28 sherds including a greyware beaded and flanged bowl rim and three jars 
and a dish in the local BB1 imitation fabric, for which a later third- to fourth-century 
date range is appropriate and the context, perhaps, dates from the later third century. 

context 1210 - layer 

This contains 1 1 sherds with little diagnostic, the most closely datable piece being a 
bell-mouthed lid-seatedjar in the local wheelmade gritted ware which might be of early-mid 
third-century date. 

Site Sub-division 5 

context 7303 — fill of sill beam trench 1304 

This contains a single sherd in the local BB1 imitation fabric, suggesting a later third- 
century terminus post quern. 

context 1309- fill of depression/pit - Pmodern 

This contains a single Central Gaulish Dr38 rimsherd giving a later second-century termi- 
nus post quem. 

context 737<5 — fill of late medieval/ post-medieval robber Uench 1334 

This contains some 37 sherds including four calcite gritted ware bodysherds, four of 
Cram beck greyware, two of Cram beck copy redware and a reeded hammerhead mortarium 
in the Catterick-Piercebridge fabric MB1 1. This context would seem to extend into the 
first half of the fourth century, unlike those above, except, possibly, 1011. 

[This report is a reduced version of that prepared for the Evaluation Report in 1994 (Evans 
in Wilson 1994, 97-100).] 

PALAEOENVIRONMENTAL SAMPLES by].?. Huntley 
The bulk samples 

Table 12 presents the sample information and Table 13 the botanical data. 

Sample 4001, context 1205 (SSD 4) 

This produced a large flot of almost pure grain. It was well preserved and out of the c. 1000 
grains counted (approximately 30% of the total) the majority were hulled barley with only 
seven identifications of a hexaploid wheat and 5 of oats. The <1 mm fraction was primarily 
fragments of grain with c. 50 whole barley grains, a few weed seeds were recovered and two 
fragments of barley rachis intemode were present. Both twisted and straight embryos were 
recorded and it is therefore true to say that at least some of the barley was the 6-rowed 
Hordeum vulgare. This is the species normally associated with Roman material in northern 
Britain. It seems clear that this deposit is fully processed and pure barley. The material gave 
the impression of being large and well developed and was remarkably uniform to the eye in 
size. Thus a selection of the grains (all those measurable in a 12.5% sub-sample derived h orn 
riffling -therefore statistically random selecdon) were measured using an eye-piece graticule. 
Length/breadth scatter plots (Fig. 21a) and length to breadth fr equency plots (Fig. 21b) are 


CATTERICK 


133 



Fig 21 -Site 506 SSD 4 sample 1205 a) Grain -length/breadth scatter plots; b) Grain -frequency 
of length to breadth ratio. 


presented. Figure 21a shows a sharp cut-off point at c. 4.5mm which suggests that the 
material was probably sieved to about 4 mm - this would account for the lack of weed seeds. 
The few present are in the 3-4 mm category whereas most weed seeds are 1-2 mm. The ratio 
plot is also interesting in that it, too, has a sharp cut-off point suggesting that the grains were 
also of an even shape with relatively few being long and thin (high length/breadth ratios) or 
short and fat (low length/breadth ratios) . They are larger and more even than material from 
the Roman fort at Carlisle (Huntley 1989) indicating a better quality product at Catterick. 

Although barley is generally considered only as a punishment ration for human consump- 
tion (Davis 1971 ) why the grain should be so even in shape and size, indicating thorough 
processing, if only for animal feed is unclear. It seems far more likely that it was a regular 
component of the human diet and, indeed, other than definite granary contexts, most sam- 
ples of carbonised material from the north are, in fact, dominated by barley. 

Overall discussion of Site 506 

Cumulatively the results of the survey work and evaluation excavations demonstrate that 
the Roman roadside settlement extends for up to 650 m, and perhaps as much as 740 m 
south of Bainesse although over the southern 90 m the quantities of pottery recovered were 


site 

sample 

context 

vol floated 

feature-type 

prov. date 

CAS 506 

4001 

1205 

10 

upper fill of gravel pit 

RB 


4003 

1219 

10 

buried soil horizon - barren 



4005 

1002 


soil above surface of early Dere St. — 1 
hexaploid wheat grain of spelt type 



fable 12. Sample processing details Site 506 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 



Context 

(Sample number) 

Taxon 

1205 

1002 

(4001) 

(4005) 

cereal grain 



Triticum (hexaploid) 

7 

1 

Hordeum (hulled) 

1000 


Avena 

5 


cereal chaff 



Hordeum rachis internode 

1 


Avena awn fragment 

1 


weeds 



2-4mm Gramineae 

6 


Bromus sp. 

3 


<4mm legume 

1 



Table 13. The botanical data (samples with no seeds omitted) Site 506 


more limited, and that in addition the structural remains are well-preserved. Dere Street 
itself survives in a good condition for some 460 m to the south of the farm to a point where 
it passes under the present western boundary of the Al. The recognition during fieldwalking 
of a number of areas additional to those invesugated during through the trial-trenches of 
stone are indicative of the presence of additional Roman-period structures, although some 
could derive from plough-damage to the Roman road. However, aldiough the latter sugges- 
tion is credible, the typical morphology of Roman roadside settlements would see additional 
buildings spread along either side of the road (see Smith (1987) for many examples) . 

The contrast noted by Evans (above) in the date ranges between the fieldwalking assem- 
blage h orn this project and the pottery from the site excavated north of Bainesse in 1981-82 
(Bell and Evans 2002, 401-51 ) is striking and strongly suggests occupation into the first half 
of the fourth century to the south of Bainesse. The tesserae recovered during fieldwalking 
point to the existence of well-appointed buildings within the settlement, and perhaps may 
indicate that higher status buildings than those excavated in 1981-2 (Wilson 2002a, 139-85) 
were located in the area of Site 506. No tessellated floors were recorded in the 1981-2 
excavations. 

The discovery of slag on 62 of the fieldwalking lines is of interest, as is the presence of 
hammer-scale in the samples taken for palaeoenvironmental samples (Huntley in Wilson 
1994, 123-26). This evidence, coupled with strong magnetic anomalies in the geophysical 
survey suggests possible industrial activity to the west of Dere Street. Given the existence of 
the pottery kiln found east of the Roman road (Busby et al 1996) the possibility that the 
economy of the Bainesse settlement incorporated a strong industrial component is sug- 
gested. 


CATTERICK 


135 


APPENDIX IB - BRADSTONE PLANT/OS PARCEL 5238 (SITE 511) 

CENTRED SE 4225 4993) 

(Yorkshire Museum Accession Number: YORYM: 1995.4509) 


Introduction 

This site lies entirely within the northern suburb of Cataractonium. In 1972 OS Parcel 
5328 was the subject of nial excavations by Professor J S Wacher whose work concentrated 
on the latest phases of buildings (late third/fourth century) , with a section being excavated 
through the defensive ditch of a second-century vicus defence enclosure (Wilson and Wacher 
2002) . A sixth-century Anglo-Saxon Grubenhaus was also found cut into the remains of the 
Roman buildings (Wilson et al 1996, 16-22) . In addition work in OS Parcel 5238 and the 
grounds of the (then) English China Clays’ Bradstone Plant (now Thomas Armstrong (Con- 
struction) Ltd) was undertaken in 1968-70 by the York Excavation Group and Richmondshire 
Excavation Group (Thubron 2002; Thubron and Wenham 2002; Thubron and Thubron 
2002 ) . 

OS parcel 5238 lies wholly within Scheduled Monument SM 34733. 

Methodology 

As OS Parcel 5238 was under pasture and within the landscaped grounds of the Bradstone 
plant, fieldwalking was not possible. Equally the presence of service cables in the Bradstone 
plant and the known complexity of the archaeological deposits (above) precluded metal 
detecting and geophysical survey. The exception to this was the area on the lowest river 
terrace where a resistivity survey was undertaken in an attempt to determine if there was 
evidence of either a northern bridge abutment, or piers from the Dere Sueet bridge (pp. 131 
- below) . 

Eight trial trenches (SSDs) were opened and a further two SSDs were designated covering 
areas where turf had been removed within the factory grounds (SSDs 2 and 3) (Fig. 22) . In 
the following account the results of the trial trenching are described north to south. 

Results 

Trial Trenches 

Site Sub-Divisions 7 and 8 

In the northern part of the site; SSDs 7 and 8 provided evidence of substantial disturbance 
in recent dmes with evidence of dumping, possibly associated with the construction of the 
factory in 1969. 

Site Sub-Divisions 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6 

The western part of the agger of Dere Street was shown to survive well in SSDs 1 and 4, 
with a fine gravel surface being recorded in both trenches. The eastern part of the Roman 
road has been substantially damaged by the insertion of a concrete-lined ‘flume’ trench 
originally constructed to carry waste water from the factory on the site and others located to 
the north of Bridge Road. To the east of the ‘flume’ trench, Dere Street has been further 
damaged by the insertion of a track surfaced with limestone chippings that ran from the 
Bradstone factory boundary to the river bank. 


136 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 



Fig 22 - Area north of the River Swale showing the location of the Site 511 evaluation trenches. 


Lurther elements of Dere Street were located in SSDs 2, 3 and 6, with evidence for 
buildings along the western side of Dere Street being recorded along the western edge of 
SSD 6. At the northern end of SSD 6 these deposits included elements of a second-century 
stone building investigated in part by the York Excavation Group (Thubron and Wenham 
2002) . It was shown that at least 0.5 m of archaeological deposits survive beneath the stone 
structure. 

SSD 5 revealed evidence of four of the trenches opened by Professor Wacher in 1972 
(Wilson and Wacher 2002) . Within and around these trenches it was demonstrated that over 
0.5 m of stratified archaeological deposits survive. In the southern end of SSD 5, and at the 
eastern end of SSD 1 these deposits clearly preserve evidence of Roman timber buildings. 
The latest pottery from SSD 5 suggested that occupadon in the area of diat extended into 
the second half of the fourth century, while the latest pottery from the eastern end of SSD 1, 
to the south of SSD 5, did not date to much later than the middle of the third century (Evans 
- below) . SSD 1 produced large quanddes of hammer-scale from its latest layers, indicating 
that smithing was being carrie d-out on the site around the middle of the third century. 



CATTERICK 


137 


SITE SUB-DIVISION 9 by]. Evans and P.R. Wilson 

NB. In the summary description that follows contexts (archaeological features or layers) 
indicated with a * do not appear on Figure 23a. 

SSD 9 was the most complex of the sub-divisions recorded and consequendy its invesdga- 
don was approached differendy during the assessment. At the top of the bank representing 
the second river terrace, an erosion scar on the terrace face was used as the basis for the 
creaUon of a sloping secUon by the simple expedient of removing the turf and. The exposed 
secdon was drawn as though projected on to a verdcal face (Fig. 23a; Wilson Sc Wacher 2002, 
fig. 65) , with a sample profile redecting die extant slope presented as Figure 21b. Figure 23c 
represents a redrawing of Figure 23a with the interpretadons offered below superimposed. 

The natural subsoil on the site is comprised of gravel and river cobbles, up to around 0.30 
m in size, overlaid by deposits of yellow sand ( 1140) of variable depth. In secdon the gravel 
rises to the east and falls to the west, so that the road line is centred on the peak of the 
underlying gravel and presumably followed a slight natural gravel ridge towards the river. 

The earliest archaeological deposit is a dark yellow-brown sandy silt ( 1180) with occa- 
sional pebbles c. 0.01-0.05 m in size, approximately 0.30 m deep which appears to be a 
buried soil. This was observed across the full width of the secdon except at the eastern end 
where it may perhaps have been truncated. An approximate phasing of the sequence of 
events is all that can be attempted here, as there is no chronological evidence except for a 
stradgraphic sequence to support it. 

The first road surface would appear to be a rammed brown-yellow gravel and pebble 
surface (1177) with pebbles c. 2.20 m wide and 0.05-0.25 m deep on its western side. A 
brown-yellow sand deposit (1221) and layers to the west of it (1178, 1179, 1216) would 
appear best interpreted as make-up deposits for the road. 

To the west of the road was a posthole (1232) , c. 0.20 m in diameter and 0.25 m or more 
in depth was truncated by a stone-built or founded building (Building 2) . West of the trunca- 
don by Building 2 was the end of a wall (or stone setdng) probably running north-south 
(1212). Itwas 0.85 m wide and c. 0.15 m deep, constructed of large flatfish rounded river 
cobbles c. 0.20-0.45 m in size, set on a bed of yellow-brown silty sand, with a dark brown 
sandy silt matrix but no mortar. Rammed up against the edge of this and extending to the 
west of the trench was a surface, c. 0.15 m thick, of cobbles c. 0.05-0.15 m in size and gravel 
in a silty brown-yellow matrix (1213). It is not clear whether this was a floor or an external 
surface but the walls at least probably represent the first building in this area (Building 1 ) . 

The first activity idendfied in the area to the east of the road, was the deposidon of 1 1 39 
a. layer of rounded river cobbles which may represent an area of hard standing, although it 
could just be levelling material (but 1137*, a similar surface, was clearly a floor level) . 

Above the first road surface (1177) there was some silting on its western side (1176 which 
was sealed by a thin gravelled re-metalling c. 0.05 m deep (11 75) . West of the truncadon by 
Building 2; a dark grey-brown silt layer (1211), c. 0.12 m thick, was dumped over 1212 and 
1213. This layer was sealed by a cobble layer (1187), c. 0.15-0.20 m deep, of river cobbles 
generally c. 0.07-0. 15 m in size in a dark grey-brown sandy silt matrix. This appears to have 
been an area of hard standing or a floor surface as it contained a post hole ( 1 226) c. 0.20 m 
in diameter and 0.23 m or more deep. 


138 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


a. 


Profile shown at b. 


► 




c. 


K 


Dere Street 




Fig 23 - Site 511 SSD 9 a) Section showing Dere Street and building remains; b) River terrace 
edge at 'b' on Figure 23a showing the profile of the erosion face of the archaeological deposits; c) 
Interpretative version of Figure 23a. 



CATTERICK 


139 


East of the road the primary cobbled layer (1139) was sealed by a dump of sand ( 1 1 38) c. 
0. 10-0. 15 m deep, which appears to have been make up for a layer of river cobbles c. 0. 10-0. 15 
min size (1 137) . This layer contained a posthole (1158) c. 0.65 min diameter and 0.30 m 
deep, with a clearly defined post-pipe ( 1 156) c. 0.26 m in diameter. 

There is no certain way of equadng the sequences of these early deposits east and west of 
the road, nor the construction of Building 2 which occurs next in the western sequence with 
activity to the east. 

Building 2 comprised an east-west wall foundation (1181) c.4m long and 1.10m wide, of 
rounded river cobbles c. 0. 10-0.20 in size in a dark grey-brown matrix. A number of larger 
cobbles c. 0.30 m in size were within the top of the soil matrix and may have been from the 
wall itself. It was apparently bonded with a north-south wall ( 1 1 70*) , which encroached over 
the western side of the earlier road (11 77) . Wall 1 1 70* was c. 0.60 m wide and was con- 
structed from rounded river cobbles c. 0.30-0.40 m in size laid on a foundation trench fill 
(1173) containing cobbles c. 0.05-0.15 m in size 

The common corner of wall foundations 1170* and wall 1181 did not survive but the 
junction between wall 1181 and the westernmost north-south wall 1184* did. This demon- 
strated that the foundations had supported a timber-framed structure, as a circular post-pipe 
(1183), c. 0.35x0.25 m in size and at least 0.50 m deep, was set into 1181 and 1184*. Wall 
1184 seemed to have comprised of two facing courses largely constructed of water-rounded 
stones c. 0.20-0.40 m, with some use of red sandstone. Overlying wall 1184 and probably the 
inner part of wall 1181 was a layer (1217) of abundant gravel, c. 10-80 mm in size, in a yellow- 
brown sandy matrix. 1217 was probably a degraded mortar forming both a bedding for floor 
1215 and possibly on the line of the section a sill for a doorway. Floor 1215 was constructed 
from roughly rectangular red sandstone tiles, approximately 0.20 m square, plus a number of 
yellow sandstone tiles, in a dark grey-brown sandy silt matrix with no sign of mortar. 

To the west of Building 2 was a sequence of deposits and small features which were either 
contemporary with Building 2, or possibly post-dated it (1188, 1227* and 1189). Over these 
was laid a rammed crushed yellow sandstone chip floor/hard standing ( 1 1 90) c. 0.04 m thick. 
This in turn was re-floored with a surface of orange-brown gravel and fme cobbles, c. 0.02 m- 
0.08 m in size (1191), into which was set a sub-circular patch of larger cobbles, c. 0. 1 2-0. 18m 
in size ( 1193) , possibly a setting for a post base. These surfaces and the post-pad suggest the 
presence of a further structure, or an extension to Building 2. Over them was a thin layer of 
dark brown sandy silt ( 1194) , possibly an occupation or abandonment accumuladon and 
then a spread of purple-reddish pink burnt clay up to 0.07 m deep, that may perhaps repre- 
sent the demolition of the structure/extension, if not Building 2 itself. 

To the east of Building 2 there are no additional road surfaces contemporary with the 
structure, so that 1177 would seem to have remained in use. However on the western edge of 
1177 where it sloped down fairly steeply against wall 1170*, there was a dump of river 
cobbles (1172) overlain by a layer of gravel and pebbles (1171) to a depth of 0.15-0.20 m. 
Together 1171 and 1172 served to reduce the camber of road surface 1177. 

On the east side of the road there were further surfaces which cannot be equated with the 
western sequence at this depth. Above 1138 lay a very dark brown sandy silt deposit ( 1155) 
c. 0.01-0. 12 m deep containing fme charcoal that might be indicative of burning in this area. 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


Sealing this was a layer or layers ( 1 1 54) , that to the west was a yellow sand that became a 
yellow-red compact sandy silt widi charcoal, possibly representing a hearth base, to the east. 
1154 would certainly appear to represent a floor level within a building. Above this was a 
series of compact grey silt lenses containing fine charcoal ( 1 153) , possibly trampled floor 
surfaces. 11 53 was sealed by a series of deposits (1133-1136) with 1136 being a burnt clay 
deposit that could represent a heal th, inserted following levelling of the area 

On the western side of the site two road surfaces sealed Building 2. The earlier surface 
(1169) was of rounded cobbles c. 0.10-0.20 m in size, was sealed by a hard rammed gravel 
surface ( 1 1 68) , with some stones up to 50 mm in size. Layer 1 2 14 is probably represents the 
western side of 1168, but in the section the two deposits were separated a later posthole 
(1230). 

The floor surfaces to the west of Building 2; 1190 and 1191 (see above) could have been 
con temporary with these road surfaces rather than Building 2. 

Above road surface 1168 was a further road surface (1151) of large water rounded cobbles 
c. 0.10-0. 20 min size. To the west of this were two postholes (1230, 1197) c. 3 m apart, which 
appear to form a wooden structure (Building 3) with a floor on top of a levelling dump 1196. 
Posthole 1230, which cut road 1168, was c. 0.50 m in diameter and more than 0.20 m deep 
with a post-pipe (1229) c. 0.15 m in diameter. Posthole 11 97, which was cut in to dump 1196, 
was c. 0.75 m in diameter and 0.30 m deep, with a post-pipe (1199) c. 0.18 m in diameter. On 
the western side of 1 196 there was a layer of large flat rounded river cobbles ( 1210) ; mostly 
0.20-0.30 m in size, with occasional flat red sandstone blocks in a dark grey-brown sandy silt 
matrix. This may well have been a floor surface. Building 3 would seem to have been aban- 
doned before Building 4 to the east of the road, with which it would seem to be broadly 
contemporary. 

To the east of the road a building with stone dwarf walls (Building 4) appears to have been 
constructed. An east-west wall of roughly shaped red sandstone blocks (1083) ran for around 
6 m within the trench and observation to the east suggested that it may extend for a similar 
or greater distance beyond it to the east. The lower course had stones c. 0.40 m wide and c. 
0.30 m-0.60 m long, and the upper was of a double course of smaller blocks c. 0.20x0.25 m 
in size. The lower course seemed to be bedded in a foundation trench (1084) filled with 
yellow-brown clay. The wall cut the cobble layer (1131). The wall (1083) seems to have been 
of a single phase, whereas the north-south wall ( 1085) facing Dere Street and perhaps origi- 
nating at the same time as road 1151, seems to have been widened later. Wall 1085 was 
constructed from large river cobbles c. 0.25-0.35 m in size, with two facing courses and small 
cobbles c. 0.10-0.20 m in size within the core. It sat on a foundation (1086) consisting 
cobbles and stones c. 0.10-0.20 m in size, some of which were set on edge in a foundation 
trench (1087) c. 0.80 m wide. At the junction of 1085 and 1083 was a post-hole or post-pipe 
( 1165) c. 0.45 m in diameter. This appeal s to suggest a similar construction method to that 
of Building 2, with stone dwarf walls and a timber-framed superstructure. There was a 
further posthole at the end of, or built into wall 1085, with a post-pipe void ( 1146) c. 0.15 m 
in diameter and at least 0.40 m deep. Wall 1085 appeared to have been widened to the east 
by c. 0.50 m, with pitched cobbles c. 0.10-0.25 m in size. 

Several road surfaces seem to have been contemporary with Building 4. Above road 
surface 1151 there was a series of gravel and cobble surfaces generally up to 0.10 m thick 


CATTERICK 


141 


(1150, 1149, 1148, 1145). 1145 appeared to be the contemporary surface with a roadside 
gutter (1143) consisting of blocks of yellow sandstone c. 0.43 m wide and 0.21 m high, with 
a U-shaped channel c. 0.22 m wide and 0.10m deep cut into them. 

After the demolition of Building 4, its site seems to have been covered with a platform of 
cobbles and angular stone fragments c. 0.10-0.20 m in size (1082) , which sealed the building 
and extended westwards just beyond the gutter ( 1 143) , to overlie road surface 1145. Run- 
ning north-south and apparendy cutdng 1082, a litde back from the final road edge, was a U- 
shaped ditch (1141) c. 0.95 mwide and 0.35m deep. The final road surface (1159) consisted 
of cobbles c. 0.05-0.15 m in size. On the its western side 1159 was overlain by a spread of 
cobbles (1166) c. 0.10-0.30 m in size, with some tile and sandstone, the density of stone 
decreasing to the west and, given the character of the buildings recorded in 1972 (Wilson 
and Wacher 2002) , possibly represendng a demolidon or destrucdon deposit. 

River Terrace South of SSD 9 
Resistivity Survey 

At the request of the Management Group overseeing the Evaluadon Project a resisidvity 
survey was undertaken on the lowest river terrace in an attempt to determine if there were 
any remains of either the northern abutment or piers of the bridge that it is assumed carried 
Dere Street across the River Swale. 

On the northern river terrace high readings were recorded in a band parallel with the river 
and could perhaps be caused by stony material constituting part of the river bank, rather 
than a man-made feature. A second survey (Site 517- Bardettin Wilson 1994, 92, figs 22a, 
22d, 22e) on the south bank of the river produced a weaker, but more isolated anomaly that 
is perhaps more likely to be man-made, but cannot with any certainty be claimed as part of 
the Roman bridge that would be expected here. 

Site Sub-Division 10 

Following the resistivity survey a north-south a machine-trench was cut on the northern 
river terrace to the south of SSD 9 on the centre line of Dere Street. Its purpose was, like the 
resisidvity survey, to establish if there was any evidence of either a north bridge abutment, 
or any piers, of a bridge carrying Dere Street across the Swale. The trench was cut to a depth 
of 1.2 m, and to within 16 m of the north bank of the river, the point at which trees began to 
impede the machine. It was shown to be devoid of any archaeological features, with the full 
depth being taken up be alluvium, except at the northern end where the gravel subsoil 
underlying SSD 9 shelved-up steeply. 

THE POTTERYFROM THE EVALUATION EXCAVATIONS Jeremy Evans 

Table 14 presents the fabric proportions of all Roman material excavated from CAS Site 511. 

This shows some interesting contrasts with Tables 10 and 1 1 from Site 506, not least in the 
much higher proportion of South Gaulish samian ware relative to Central Gaulish 
material. This along with a number of rustic decorated greyware sherds, the very unusual 
NorthantsFlavian-Trajanic channel-rimmed shell-tempered ware jar (see below), Lon- 
don type ware and mica dusted ware demonstrates a much higher level of activity here 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


Fabric 

% 

Fabric 

% 

Mica dusted 

0.1% 

CG samian 

9.4% 

SG samian 

3.2% 

Mortaria 

1.3% 

Oxidised 

3.6% 

Rhenish 

1.9% 

Parisian 

0.1% 

Nene Valley 

8.5% 

London type ware 

0.7% 

Gritted handmade 

1.4% 

Les Martres samian 

0.2% 

Gritted wheelmade 

1.1% 

Roughcast 

0.2% 

EG samian 

1 .4% 

Whiteware 

1.8% 

Greyware 

28.8% 

White slipped 

1.1% 

Dales ware 

0.1% 

Northants shell tempered 

0.1% 

BBl imitation 

0.7% 

Dressel 20 

2.9% 

Crambeck greyware 

0.6% 

Dressel 30 

0.5% 

Crambeck parchment 

0.2% 

BB2 

0.2% 

Calcite gritted ware 

1.1% 

BBl 

28.2% 



n =1 140 





Table 14. Roman fabric proportions of all excavated material from Site 511 

in the Flavian-Trajanic period than on Site 506. Second-century activity is clearly well 
represented on the site, and the earlier third century at least also seems well represented. 
However activity seems to fall away from the later third century with gritted wares and BB1 
imitations not veiy well represented and fourth-century material is quite poorly represented, 
although some activity clearly continued on the site into the second half of the fourth 
century, but this is only represented by two Huntcliff type jar rimsherds. Ten mortaria 
sherds are datable, six representing the second century, two the third, one the third-early 
fourth and one the early fourth century. Amongst the BB1 some 25 jar sherds have third- 
century or later obtuse lattice decoration and some 7 the Hadrianic-Antonine acute lattice 
(excluding the 100 sherds all from one complete vessel) . This would appear to suggest 
greater third-century activity, however this depends upon the background picture of 
fabric supply. Greyware BB copyjar sherds produce 35 with acute lattice decoration 
and 13 with obtuse lattice suggesting the reverse of the BB1. The reason for this is that the 
greywares were much commoner in the second century and BB1 commoner in the third 
century. If the figures are combined then the 42 acute lattice decorated sherds to 38 with 
obtuse lattice decoration seems to represent the general pattern seen in this collection of 
substantial quantities of second- and third-century material with probably a little more of the 
former. 

The proportion of finewares from the site is high, 24.6%, and whilst the sieved mate- 
rial has added a little to the Nene Valley total this does seem to be an aspect of the 
original assemblage. 

Channel-rimmed jar from Context 1116 

A channel-rimmed jar in a commonly shell-tempered fabric with a grey core and orange- 
brown margins and surfaces. Probably Flavian-Trajanic and from the Northants area, cf 
Cataractonium (Evans 2002) fig. 135, No SS3. (Fig. 20, no. 2) . 


CATTERICK 


143 


Spot Dating 

Site Sub-division 1 

context 1027 - layer 

This contained some 130 sherds with another 107 sherds from the two samples, 4001 
and 4002, taken from it. These included eight obtuse lattice decorated BB1 jar bodysherds 
and ajar rimsherd of early-mid third-century date, a Dalesware bodysherd, East Gaulish 
samian of forms Dr32 and Dr38, and Nene Valley beaker bodysherds with barbotine 
decoration and indented scale beaker bodysherds, with a dish in the BB1 imitation fabric 
from sample 4001. A third-century date would seem appropriate for the group, and 
apparently one which does not stretch too far into the later third century. 

context 1065 - fill of pit 1066 

Some 18 sherds come from sample 4005 taken from this feature. None is closely datable 
but fabrics represented include BB1, Rhenish ware and the local handmade gritted ware, 
probably giving a third-century terminus post quern. 

Site Sub-division 4 

context 1009- layer 

This produced a single sherd of BB1, giving a Hadrianic terminus post quern. 

Site Sub-division 5 
context 1042- fill of pit 1041 

This contained 25 sherds of very mixed Roman period date, the latest sherd was a 
Huntcliff type jar rim in a sandy handmade fabric which should be of later fourth-century 
date. Sample 4004 was taken from this pit fill and contained 69 sherds, again of mixed date, 
including one, apparendy of Crambeck parchment ware, from an unusual closed form with 
orange painted decoradon and a line of stabbing, which is probably of later fourth-century 
date. 

Site Sub-division 9 
context 1166- rubble spread 

This contained 22 sherds of very Roman period mixed date; the latest was a beaded 
and danged bowl in Crambeck greyware of fourth-century date. 

context 1218- fill of pit 1227 

This produced a single Roman greyware shouldered jar rim, not closely datable. 

context 1220- layer associated with Building 4 

This contained 16 sherds including two BB1 bodysherds with acute lattice decoration and 
seven sherds in London type ware, none of which need be later than the Hadrianic-Antonine 
period. 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


PALAEOENVIRONMENTAL SAMPLES 5yJ.P. Huntley 
The pollen monolith 

During the work on both Sites 506 and 51 1 a programme of environmental sampling was 
undertaken. A sediment monolith was taken from a stratified sequence underlying the edge 
of Dere Street (Site 511, SSD8, sample 4006) to provide information about the local vegeta- 
tion prior to the construction of the road. The sediments were prepared using standard 
methods following Faegri and Iversen (1974) but concentrated zinc chloride solution was 
used to separate out the heavy mineral fraction. Temporary mounts were made in glycerine, 
slides made and examined at magnifications of x400 using a Leitz Diaplan microscope. 
Notes were made of the number and type of pollen grains and their general condition. In 
addition five ten-litre bulk, whole earth, samples were taken from negative features and 
floated with flots being retained upon 500m mesh. The residues were sorted to 4mm and the 
finer fraction retained. The flots were examined under a stereomicroscope at magnifica- 
tions of up to x50 and plant remains identified by comparison with modern reference 
material held in the Department of Archaeology, Durham University. 

The 25 cm sediment profile contained three stratigraphic units. The upper 6 cm con- 
tained large amounts of calcareous material. This was not present in the other samples. The 
two pollen samples from this unit (0-1 cm and 5-6 cm) produced no pollen, possibly as a 
result of the high levels of calcareous material. From 6-9 cm was a transitional unit to the 
lower (9-25 cm) unit representing the subsoil and comprising silt and fine sand. Pollen 
sample 10-11 cm contained a few degraded grains of each of alder {Alims ) , heather ( Calluna ) 
and possibly grasses although insufficient to suggest that full analysis was worthwhile. Alder 
trees were likely to have been growing along the river banks and the heather on acidic soils 
on the moorland upstream but not necessarily very close to the site of deposition. From 17- 
18 cm was barren. Such limited pollen tells us little about use of the local landscape. It is 
interesting to note that pollen was only present in the sample forming, apparently, the top of 
the subsoil. 

The lack of humic acids and remnant organic material in the pollen samples suggests that 
either the profile was heavily degraded prior to burial or that it was not a biologically active 


Sample 

number 

Context 

SSD 

Context information 

4001 

1027 

10 

p 

4002 

1027 

10 

p 

4003 

1032 

10 

contents of buried pot 

4004 

1042 

10 

soil 

4005 

1065 

10 

earth 

4007 

1136 

5 

silty layer above floor 1 153 

4008 

1 153 

5 

floor layer below 1 136, above hearth 1154 

4009 

1154 

5 

Soil - barren 

4010 

1155 

5 

soil 


Table 15. Sample processing details Site 511 


CATTERICK 


145 



Context (Sample number) 

Taxon 

1027 

1027 

1032 

1042 

1065 

1136 

1153 

1154 

(4001) 

(4002) 

(4003) 

(4004) 

(4005) 

(4007) 

(4008) 

(4010) 

cereal grain 









Triticum (hexaploid) 

7 

18 


5 

14 

1 


1 

Cerealis indet. 

2 

5 

1 

4 

5 

1 



Hordeum (hulled) 

2 

3 


2 

3 

2 

1 


Hordeum undiff 







1 


cereal chaff 









Triticum spelta glume 
base 


1 







brittle rachis wheat 
internode 





1 




acidic/wet ground 









Sieglingia decumbens 

1 



1 


3 

2 


Eriophorum nutlets 






2 

2 

4 - 

Carex (trigonous) 


2 




1 



Eleocharis palustris 




1 


1 



Empetrum nigrum 






1 



weeds 









2-4mm Gramineae 





2 

1 

2 


Bromus sp. 





1 

1 



Rumex obtusifolius-type 


1 



2 




Plantago lanceolata 

1 

1 



2 




Prunella vulgaris 





1 




Polygonum convolvulus 

1 








Compositae cf. Beilis 
perennis 

1 








Rumex acetosa 


1 







Trifolium sp 







1 


food/woodland 









Corylus avellana 
fragment 

1 

2 




1 




Table 16. The botanical data (samples with no seeds omitted) Site 511 


soil. The latter seems more likely since the sealing layers were clay-rich and it is suggested 
that there was a dip or hollow in the subsoil which has infilled through natural silting and 
that chemical reactions plus some movement through the sediment have lead to the apparent 
“profile”. 

The bulk samples 

Table 15 presents the sample information and Table 16 the botanical data. 

Although many of the dots were small in size they nonetheless produced reasonable amounts 
of carbonised material such that if larger samples were taken, as during full excavation, then 
adequate numbers of seeds for full analysis to be worthwhile would be recovered. 

As to be expected from a Roman site, hexaploid wheat, at least some of which was spelt, 
and hulled barley were the dominant species. Chaff was minimal and it seems most likely that 
the material reflects mosdy stored grain. Weed seeds were equally rare and those that were 
present indicated principally acidic moorland communities rather than the expected arable 
weeds. They may therefore reflect mixed deposits with stored grain and, for example, other 
rubbish. One sample suggested some calcareous grassland nearby. With the presence of 
hammer-scale and other industrial waste in the samples it is suggested that the moorland 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


taxa could represent the burning of peat. This would indicate “trade” from, probably, higher 
up Swaledale where the nearest wet moorland is today. Alternatively peat could have formed 
turf roofing, using ‘tnrf in its Celtic manner ie, peat rather than grass sods. 

A bridge or ford? 

Although the height differences between the northern and southern sides of the river do 
not preclude a bridge; the surface of Dere Street on the north bank being at c. 64 m AOD and 
that of the field (OS Parcel number 5518) on the south bank at c. 66.5 m AOD; such an 
assumption appears justified. The present-day river bed is at c. 57.2 m and the river banks 
are at c. 61.5 m AOD (south bank) and c. 60.5 m AOD (north bank) . Although those heights 
could in part reflect down-cutting by the river since the Roman period, when looked at in 
combination with the distance between the uneroded areas either side of the river ( c. 100m) , 
it is clear that a ford on such a major route would be impracticable. Any ford would have 
either have been steep (perhaps over 1 in 10) , or would have had to descend in curves; 
neither possibility being practical, particularly for wheeled traffic. The fact that the Swale is 
one of the fastest flowing rivers in the country in times of flood (for example: Heming 1998, 
5) would also serve to render any ford unusable by any traffic in times of spate, as even at 
Cataractonium it can rise by 1-2 m within a couple of hours. In addition Costley (1995, 115) 
notes a reference (North Yorkshire County Record Office ZRL 1/23) to ‘the old stane brigg’ 
in the description of the proposed location of the fifteenth-century bridge across the Swale 
at Catterick Bridge, which may reasonably be taken to refer to a Roman-period bridge on 
Dere Street (Wilson 2002b, 446) . 

Site Summary 

Site 51 1, and particularly the section presented in figures 23a and 23c provides evidence 
for the complexity of the archaeological deposits, representing Dere Street and the associ- 
ated structures, on the north bank of the Swale. Although the dating from Site 51 1 is limited, 
what there is combined with the evidence of the 1972 excavations (Wilson and Wacher 
2002) suggest occupation from the later first century to the fourth century, with the pottery 
from SSD 5 indicating that occupation may have extended later than the mid fourth century, 
the terminal date suggested by the 1972 work (Wilson and Wacher 2002, 132-36) . The 
nature of the deposits observed does not help with issues regarding the function of the area 
north of the river prior to the fourth century. The structural evidence seen on Site 511 would 
be entirely appropriate for the uicmproposed in Wilson 2002b (458-59) . Although a number 
of the other possible interpretations that have been offered for the area remain possible: a 
defended store depot, or some form of bridgehead defence, fort or military enclosure (Wilson 
1973, 279-80, fig 3; Wilson and Wacher 2002, 137-38) . 

Postscript 

In 2002 Northern Archaeological Associates, as a requirement of planning conditions 
under PPG-16, undertook further work in the south-west corner of the Bradstone complex 
immediately north of the scheduled monument in advance of the redevelopment of the 
whole of the factory complex (centred SE 4224 4994) . In addition to limited evidence for 
prehistoric activity, the work revealed: Dere Street, two phases of stone-built Romano- 
British buildings and final phase post-in-slot or post-in-pit str uctures of late Roman or post- 


CATT ERICK 


147 


Roman date, as well as five inhumations including a decapitated burial and a substantial 
finds assemblage spanning the whole period of the Roman occupation of Catterick (NAA 
2002-03, 12-14; 2003; 2004) . The presence of late Roman or post-Roman occupation is of 
considerable significance with regard to history of the northern suburb of Cataractonium. 
As noted above the 1972 excavations suggested that occupation along Dere Street on the 
north side of the river had ended by the mid fourth century (Wilson and Wacher 2002, 136) , 
although later fourth-century and fifth-century occupation was present on the Catterick 
Bridge site (Wilson 2002a, 197-203) and in SSD 5 on Site 511 (above) . As there was no 
evidence of vertical truncation, other than the demolition of the mid fourth-century build- 
ings on the 1972 site, as evidenced by the survival of the ground level surrounding the later 
Grubenhaus (Wilson et al 1996, 16-22) , it seems unlikely that later Roman deposits have 
been lost. The contrast in terminal dates for occupation on the Bridge Road and Catterick 
Bridge sites, in contrast with the areas investigated in 1972, may suggest that occupadon 
was kept at a distance from the river crossing on the north bank of the river in the later 
Roman period. If that were true it could possibly represent an attempt to make the approach 
to the bridge more easily defensible, although the evidence from Site 511, SSD 5, may argue 
against this. Alternadvely parts of the area may have been put to an archaeologically invis- 
ible uses, such as an open air market. 

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 

Messrs. D. and R Chapman of Bainesse kindly allowed access to the fields around Bainesse, 
while Mr. M. Chapman of Field House, Catterick kindly allowed access to the field adjacent 
to Catterick Racecourse. Access to the sites investigated as part of the Al evaluation was 
facilitated by W.S. Atkins (Northern) Ltd on behalf of the Department of Transport. 

The figures accompanying this report were prepared by Eddie Lyons and Chris Evans of 
the English Heritage Fort Cumberland Graphics Studio. 

Blaise Vyner, with Dominic Stones of Faber Munsell, kindly provided topographic data 
relating to Dere Street where it crosses the River Swale. Through the good offices of Blaise 
Vyner, Duncan Hale of Archaeological Services Durham University kindly supplied the 
original of Figure 15. 

Abbreviations 

RFG 8c FRG 1993 = Roman Find Group and Finds Research Group AD 700-1700, 1993. 
The guidelines for the preparation of site archives and assessments for all finds other than 
fired clay vessels 

RI.B. = Roman Inscriptions of Britain 

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This report is published with the aid of a grant from English Heritage. 


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Yorkshire Archaeological Journal 79, 2007 


155 


MEDIEVAL CROSS SLABS IN THE NORTH RIDING OF 
YORKSHIRE: CHRONOLOGY, DISTRIBUTION AND 

SOCIAL IMPLICATIONS 

By Aleksandra McClain 

Cross slab grave covers are one of the most prevalent and significant forms of medieval 
commemoration , but they are also one of the least intensively studied. Although they have 
often been overlooked in favour of brasses and effigies, cross slabs played an equally impor- 
tant role in the construction of social identities and the communication of elite authority in 
the manorial landscape. This article undertakes a systematic archaeological investigation of 
the cross slabs of the North Riding of Yorkshire, exploring their stylistic features and 
chronological development throughout the Middle Ages, as well as examining the monu- 
ments within the physical and social contexts which were essential to their creation and use. 

INTRODUCTION 

Previous approaches have often resulted in a preoccupation with more impressive exam- 
ples of sculpture, to the detriment of less elaborate pieces, and have fostered a disregard for 
the wider context of the monuments. Jonathan Finch has referred to this attitude as a 
‘gallery’ mentality, wherein the sculpture becomes an isolated piece of art, disengaged from 
its original location and purpose (Finch 2000a, 1-2) . 

Even when studies of commemorative monuments have been more systematic, they have 
often seen the progression or diffusion of stylistic features and the establishment of a chro- 
nology of artistic innovation and development as the sole purpose of investigation. If all that 
is asked of monuments is the creation of a typology, the examination turns style, iconogra- 
phy and motifs into lifeless designs rather than communicative, meaning-bearing entities. 
The physical and social context of the monuments’ creation and display, and the active role 
of material culture in shaping social interaction and social structure, is ignored (Barrett 
1988, 9; Bourdieu 1977, 87) . Commemorative monuments, whether elaborate or relatively 
plain, were powerful, meaningful agents in medieval material culture and society, and they 
occupied a unique position within that milieu. Like few other media, they were equally 
significant in both the spiritual and temporal worlds. The multifaceted character of funerary 
monuments demands that we not only examine them in order to establish the functional and 
stylistic development of commemorative practice, but that we also engage in wider-ranging 
analyses, addressing the social significance that monuments may have borne, and why pa- 
trons might choose, in light of particular political, social, ethnic, and geographical contexts, 
to commission and display these signifiers. 

In light of this need for more meaningful explorations of medieval commemoration, and 
taking as a starting point the encouragement of regional archaeological studies as a means of 
refining and challenging overarching models of development (Blair 1996, 13; Gem 1988, 29; 
Morris 1996, xv) , the following paper will analyze patterns of distribution and development 
in the corpus of medieval, non-effigial stone sculpture (hereafter ‘cross slabs’) from the 
North Riding of Yorkshire. The commemorative data that forms the basis of this article was 
acquired in the course of the author’s PhD research into the patronage of local churches and 
commemorative monuments in the tenth to twelfth centuries in the North Riding (McClain 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


2005) . In the course of that research, 703 medieval cross slab monuments ranging in date 
from the eleventh to the sixteenth centuries were found in the 254 medieval local churches 
of the historic region of the North Riding of Yorkshire. For the first time, a full corpus of 
cross slabs at local churches has been collected for the North Riding, enabling the monu- 
mental sculpture to be analyzed spatially, chronologically, and quantitatively, and allowing 
die monuments to be considered within die physical and social contexts in which they were 
situated. 

This paper will serve not as a slab by slab catalogue of these monuments, but instead as an 
in-depth examinadon of the nature of cross slab production and distribution in the North 
Riding of Yorkshire, and the development of the monuments over time and in reladon to 
wider historical trajectories. It will consider the reladonships of cross slab monuments to 
previous and contemporary sculptural tradidons, to the regional polidcal context of York- 
shire and the Nordi-east, and to die topographical, agricultural, and tenurial character of the 
North Riding. It will also offer analysis of the posidon of cross slab monuments in the social 
hierarchy, and their acdve role in establishing, maintaining, and negodating elite idendty 
and authority in the Middle Ages. 

CROSS SLAB GRAVE COVERS: PREVIOUS WORK AND CURRENT DIRECTION 

Although the corpus of ‘cross slab’ monuments throughout England is remarkably varied 
in form and style, medieval, non-effigial stone commemoration is generally referred to in 
both andquarian and modern literature by this moniker (see Edwards 1977; Ryder 1985, 
1991, 2005; Styan 1902; Walter 1874). A particularly wide variety of sculpture falls beneath 
the broad heading of ‘cross slab. ’ The category consists of a range of grave covers, coffin lids, 
standing crosses, and headstones, which can be coped or flat, incised or carved in relief, and 
either plain or decorated with abstract or representadonal designs. Nearly all of the slabs 
have some sort of decoradon, and it is often difficult to determine whether blank slabs were 
plain by design, or whether they have lost their decoration due to deterioradon and wear. 
There is also the possibility — as a number of slabs are built as functional pieces of stone into 
the walls, floors, windows, or steps of churches — that some are now simply displayed face 
down, either for convenience or for some more deliberate and meaningful purpose. 

Across the country, cross slabs exhibit a great variety of form and cross design, and they 
vary both regionally and chronologically, although general stylistic trends and variations on 
basic patterns are traceable. While monuments that fit the description of ‘cross slabs' do 
appear before the eleventh century, the vast majority of the monuments and the most preva- 
lent and enduring stylistic types date from the twelfth to the fifteenth centuries (Ryder 1991, 
1) . Depending upon the region, cross slabs could be produced in large, centralized work- 
shops with wide distribution catchments, or extremely provincially, localized to small groups 
of parishes or even single churches (Butler 1958, 208) . Many slabs, especially in northern 
England, also feature a secondary emblem in addition to the central cross, and some are 
‘emblem only,’ with the normally secondary emblem forming the primary motif. The most 
common of these emblems are swords, shears, chalices, and books (Ryder 1991, 61) . The 
significance of cross slab symbolism has been debated (cf. Butler 1987; Edwards 1981; Finch 
2000a; Fyson 1956) , but the emblems are generally agreed to be signifiers of die identity of 
the deceased, be it occupation, rank, or gender. As the range of characteristics above makes 


MEDIEVAL CROSS SLABS 


157 


clear, the determination of a ‘cross slab’ might well vary from study to study, and as such the 
methodology of the project (see below) will enumerate in more detail the specific criteria for 
the inclusion of monuments in the sample. 

Despite the fact that cross slabs are by far the most numerous type of medieval stone burial 
monument (Ryder 1986, 33) , they have been the focus of remarkably little scholarship. Most 
comprehensive archaeological studies of funerary sculpture have tended to stop at the Nor- 
man Conquest, and as a result the significant body of later stone commemoration has been 
subjected to far less scrutiny. No work on post-Conquest funerary monuments, for example, 
can match the British Academy’s comprehensive series of regional corpora of Anglo-Saxon 
stone sculpture (e.g. Cramp 1984; Everson and Stocker 1999; Lang 1991, 2001) . Most anti- 
quarian and even some recent work on cross slabs has been solely of a cataloguing nature 
(e.g. Badham, etal. 1994; Boutell 1854; Cutts 1849; Edwards 1977; Greenhill 1958; Hodges 
1903; Maher 1997; Styan 1904; Walter 1874) , focusing primarily on listing, illustrating, and 
sometimes dating the chosen slabs. In addition, few of these surveys were made systemati- 
cally, resulting in collections of anecdotal examples rather than statistically significant data. 

Systematic and detailed surveys of cross slabs have been carried out more recendy by 
Peter Ryder in County Durham, West Yorkshire, Northumberland, and Cumbria (Ryder 
1985, 1991, 2000, 2002, 2005) . Brian and Moira Gittos have done the same for the East 
Riding of Yorkshire (1989) , although only a summary discussion, rather than a catalogue, 
has been published for the region. While these catalogues are generally limited in their 
analytical depth, they are nonetheless exceptionally useful and necessary sources of data. 
Such comprehensive surveys have been particularly needed because of the long-standing 
tendency of local, regional, and church histories to mention cross slabs sporadically, or else 
ignore them entirely. 

Thorough analysis of cross slabs has been slight, but the scholarship that has been carried 
out demonstrates the great potential of this class of monument. The field was advanced 
considerably by the work of Lawrence Buder (Buder 1957, 1965) . His analyses of the stones 
of Cambridgeshire and the East Midlands traced a stylisdc chronology through the medieval 
period for slabs in these regions, establishing local schools of sculpture, and laying out the 
trade routes by which central workshops, such as that at Barnack (Northants) , exported 
their wares across the country. More recendy, Jonathan Finch has discussed a sample of pre- 
1400 Norfolk commemoration, including brasses, effigies, and cross slabs, focusing on their 
role in the changing ethos of medieval commemorative practice and religious belief (Finch 
2000b) . He charts the distribudon of commemoration in the region by type and over time, 
and connects patterns of monuments to other facets of medieval society, such as parochial 
formadon, manorializadon, elite compeddon, and the social structure of the community. 
Significandy, he also makes the first foray into correlating the patterns, dates, and meanings 
of cross slabs with political, social, and landscape contexts, all of which are shown to have 
profound effects on patronal necessity and choice in the commissioning of commemoradve 
monuments (Finch 2000b, 38-9) . 

In an article on medieval urban cemeteries, Julia Barrow has written that ‘the twelfth 
century was, reladvely speaking, a low point for funerary art, coming between the sculptured 
crosses and hogbacks of preceding centuries and the increasingly generous supply of monu- 
mental representations of the deceased which are characteristic of the later Middle Ages’ 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


( 1 992, 79) . Because of artistically and aesthetically value-laden biases such as these, the 
vitally important cross slab tradition of funerary commemoration has been almost entirely 
ignored in modem archaeological, art historical, and historical scholarship. By drawing on 
the work of Finch, Ryder, and Butler, as well as important studies by Steven Driscoll (2000) , 
Phil Sidebottom (2000) , and David Stocker (2000) on the social use of early medieval 
commemoration, this examination of the North Riding of Yorkshire’s cross slabs will not 
only trace their development, but also address their wider significance to society in the 
Middle Ages. 

METHODOLOGY 

The region and its character 

The pre-Conquest sculpture of north-eastern England has been heavily studied in the past 
(e.g. Bailey 1980; Collingwood 1907-15, 1927; Cramp 1984; Everson and Stocker 1999), and 
Yorkshire has been particularly well-covered byjames Lang (Lang 1973, 1991, 1995, 2001). 
However, no such far-reaching work has considered cross slabs either in Yorkshire or 
England as a whole, and no full survey has been produced for the cross slabs of the North 
Riding. Studies of medieval Yorkshire have often favoured the East and West Ridings over 
the North, perhaps because of their greater population, prosperity, and agricultural produc- 
tivity in the Middle Ages (Darby and Maxwell 1 962) . The fact that the North Riding exhibits 
such sharp geographical and social differences to its surroundings, however, is all the more 
reason for it to be studied and compared with the other Ridings and northern England. In 
addition, the substantial geographical, demographic and socio-cultural variation within the 
Riding offers a basis from which to analyze intra-regional patterning, as well as inter-re- 
gional contrast. Recent work has clearly demonstrated the advantages of approaches that 



Grey area = land above 400ft 


Fig.l The topographical regions of the North Riding of Yorkshire 


MEDIEVAL CROSS SLABS 


159 



Fig. 2 The deaneries and parishes of the North Riding 


sample areas with disdnct geographical, geological, and agrarian characteristics (e.g. Finch 
2000a, 2000b; Hadley 2000, 2001; Williamson 1988) , as these underlying factors have been 
shown to contribute to the shaping of setdement, social structure, and prosperity, and thus 
could significandy impact material culture as well. 

The North Riding encompasses within its boundaries a striking variety of topographical 
zones. It can be divided into four main geographical regions: the Pennines, the Vale of York, 
the North York Moors, and the Vale of Pickering. There are also three addidonal areas, the 
Howardian Hills, the Cleveland Plain, and the Coastal Fringe, with distinct topographical 
characteristics (Darby and Maxwell 1962, 159) (Fig. 1) . The North Riding is also separated 
into a number of ecclesiasdcal and civil units, many of which correspond quite closely to the 
geographical regions. In the Middle Ages, the primary funcdonal divisions within the county 
were the civil wapentakes and the partially cotenninous ecclesiasdcal deaneries. The rural 
deaneries of Richmond, Catterick, Bulmer, Cleveland, and Ryedale form the chief part of the 
Riding, although two parishes from Boroughbridge deanery (mainly in the West Riding) and 
five from Dickering (mainly in the East Riding) are also included within the North Riding’s 
territory. The basic units of both of these divisions were the parishes, of which there were at 
least 1 90 once the medieval parochial system was fully formed (Harvey and Payne 1973) , and 
it is around this framework of parishes and deaneries that this study will be structured (Fig. 
2 ). 

The topographical character of the North Riding varies widely, consisting of areas of 
highland and moor, upland meadow and pasture, woodland, low-lying agricultural land, and 
access to the sea and a number of navigable rivers (Lang 1991 , 8) . The areas of best agricul- 
tural land, densest settlement, and smallest parishes lay in the vales of York and Pickering 
(Wilson 1 948, 1 3) , and there was comparable land and access to waterways in the Cleveland 


160 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


and Coastal Fringe regions (Maxwell 1962, 162). The Pennine and moorland areas of the 
Riding featured poorer land and less dense occupation, and here the parishes were drawn 
much larger, in order to encompass comparable levels of population and resources. These 
uplands were particularly valuable for both pasture and quarrying. Workable stone, in the 
form of Millstone Grit, Magnesian Limestone, and various sandstones, is found throughout 
the Riding, especially in the highland areas (Maxwell 1962, 161 ) . Local stone seems to have 
been the primary medium for architectural projects and for Anglo-Saxon, Anglo-Scandinavian 
and medieval sculpture in the North Riding, and its ready supply provided for a strong 
tradition of local quarrying and sculpting, with much less stone importation than its stone- 
poor neighbour, the East Riding (Gittosand Gittos 1989, 91, 93; Senior 2001, 14). 

Data Gathering and Recording 

The methodology that guides the study was designed around providing a sample set of 
commemoration that would be tighdy defined and manageable, yet large enough to provide 
statistical significance and useful patterns of spatial distribution. In order to establish a 
complete corpus of cross slabs in the North Riding, all stone non-effigial monuments found 
in parish churches or chapels and dating from the eleventh to the sixteenth centuries were 
recorded in the course of the project. However, brass indents, even if in cross shape, were 
not counted as ‘cross slabs. ’ This is due to differences in material, most obviously the brass 
inlay, and formal design, as many cross brasses bear litde resemblance to the most common 
and recognizable cross slab designs (Blair 1987) . In addiuon, brasses seem generally to have 
been the product of a separate, primarily urban industry of brass-makers and alabasterers 
(Badham 1990; Badham and Norris 1999) , rather than the smaller and more provincial stone 
carving workshops that seem responsible for most northern cross slabs. In the North Rid- 
ing, brasses do not occur in any number undl die fourteenth century, well over two centuries 
after the cross slab tradidon begins, and there is little evidence to link the production of 
cross slabs in northern areas with the workshops diat produced other monuments (Badham 
2005,184). 

Fully sculpted effigial monuments, whether in low or high relief, were also not considered 
in the sample. They are disdnct from cross slabs not only in terms of their form, but also in 
their production, which was for the most part more skilled and more centralized than that of 
cross slabs (Tummers 1980; Routh 1976) . However, there is a class of monument referred to 
as the ‘semi-effigiaf slab which has been included. These monuments are relatively rare, 
with only five examples in the North Riding. They appeal' most frequently in Lincolnshire 
and Yorkshire (Tummers 1980, 4) , and seem to have served as a transitional form between 
cross slab grave covers and figural sculpture. In most cases they are not exceptionally skilled 
pieces, and they bear much more similarity to cross slab motif and design than to the full 
effigies that do occur in the Riding (cf. Gittos and Gittos 2002) , so they are more appropri- 
ately considered to be part of the grave slab tradition (Tummers 1980, 4) . 

Each of the North Riding’s 254 surviving churches and chapels of medieval origin was 
visited, and grave slabs were recorded and dated, preferably to within half a century or a 
century. In general, the study has adhered to the terminology, typology, and dating criteria 
developed by Peter Ryder in his northern cross slab studies. Lawrence Butler’s earlier work 
in the East Midlands is of course an important foundation, and while Butler generally at- 


MEDIEVAL CROSS SLABS 


161 


tempts much closer dating than Ryder, they are generally agreed as to broad chronologies. 
Slabs that were blank, too fragmentary, or lacked sufficiently diagnostic features were clas- 
sified as undatable. 

The data analysis concentrates on the chronological and spatial patterning of commemo- 
rative sculpture within groups of parishes, deaneries, and at the overarching level of the 
North Riding of Yorkshire. Spatial analysis has been implemented through GIS mapping, 
which is particularly useful for comparison of various factors of date and design, and for the 
integration of monumental material culture with wider landscape contexts. Since the focus 
of the analysis concerns the role played by commemoration in the social mechanisms of the 
manorial economy and ecclesiastical structure, the survey of monuments has been restricted 
to rural, local churches. The sample thus excludes monastic sites, as well as the urban centre 
of York, although the implications of the city’s political and economic presence and influ- 
ence on the surrounding regions is of course taken into account. The survey was also limited 
to local churches as cross slab monuments seem to be particularly, and meaningfully, associ- 
ated with these sites. Cross slabs do occur in burial sites at monasteries, cathedrals, and 
castles, but on the whole these sites and slabs comprise less than 10 per cent of the total 
provision, which is overwhelmingly located in parochial churches and churchyards (see 
distributions in Ryder 1985, 1991, 2005). 

Cross slabs also appear to be the primary commemorative choice of a particular class of 
society — the local and minor secular and ecclesiastical elite (Butler 1987, 250; Finch 2000a, 
31; Richards 2000, 250) . Since this echelon of medieval society was not generally the focus 
of documentary records, and its members did not found monasteries and were not com- 
memorated with elaborate effigial or inscriptional tombs (at least before the late-thirteenth 
century) , they are a more difficult group to access and understand. As a result, their pro- 
found influence on the development of certain aspects of medieval society, the local church 
and its commemoration amongst them, has often been overlooked. They are occasionally 
lumped together with other elite groups into a singular, homogeneous class of ‘lords,’ or 
more frequently they are mentioned, but effectively ignored in favour of the great magnates 
who feature prominently in administrative documents, owned land throughout the country, 
and patronized on a much grander scale. 

As one of the principal locales of social expression available to the minor elite class, the 
local church and its graveyard provide a tangible means by which to access this stratum of 
society and to discover how their patronal displays of power and identity influenced the 
material world of the local church. By examining distributions and chronologies of com- 
memorative patronage, but always with reference to shaping forces and locational context - 
such as the tenurial system, the local situation of lordship, political necessities, or the eco- 
nomic and agricultural prosperity of the area - we may be able to discern some of the driving 
forces behind the patronal choices that they made. 

FEATURES OF NORTH RIDING CROSS SLABS 

In the North Riding sample, a total of 254 local churches of medieval origin, comprising 
190 parish churches and 64 chapels, were considered, based on data from the Victoria 
County History, North Riding (Page 1914-1925) and the Yorkshire Archaeological Soci- 
ety’s map Yorkshire: ancient parishes and chapelries (Harvey and Payne 1973) . The North 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


Riding’s parochial structure and provision of churches were clearly established and long- 
standing by the time that cross slabs came into widespread use. Combined documentary, 
sculptural, and architectural evidence demonstrates that nearly half of the total medieval 
provision of churches was established before c. 1100 (McClain 2005, 153, 193), and the 
practice of burial at local churches was clearly widespread. In all, 67 of the Riding’s 254 
churches (26 per cent) have evidence for pre-1 100 burial monuments, and in some areas 
such as Catterick, the number of churches with Anglo-Scandinavian burial evidence rises to 
nearly 50 percent. By the twelfth century, 80 per cent of North Riding churches (202 sites) 
had architectural or sculptural evidence for their existence. This comprises 90 per cent of 
the parish churches, and 44 per cent of chapels, demonstrating that the Riding’s parochial 
framework was virtually complete bye. 1200, but that chapels were still filling in the system 
into the late medieval period. 

The analysis below charts the statistics of cross slab distribution primarily by deanery, as 
the deaneries provide a manageable size of data, and also correspond to important topo- 
graphical and social divisions. Throughout, the data from the contiguous deaneries of 
Ryedale/Dickering and Bulmer/Boroughbridge have been combined, because the excep- 
tionally low proportion of churches in Dickering (eight) and Boroughbridge (two) would 
skew the results. Cross slabs were found to be prevalent and widely distributed across the 
whole of the North Riding, with 703 monuments at 137 churches (Lig. 3) . Overall, 54 per 
cent of the Riding’s churches and chapels have cross slabs, and the sites with monuments are 
quite evenly distributed amongst the various topographical regions and deaneries. All of the 
deaneries except for Bulmer/Boroughbridge have cross slab commemoration at 50 per cent 
or more of their churches, and in Richmond and Ryedale/Dickering, it rises to 60 per cent 
or more. The number of cross slabs at parish churches and chapels in the North Riding is 
summarized in Table 1 . 

Table 1: North Riding churches with cross slabs, by deanery 

No. parish churches No. with cross slabs No. of chapels No. with cross slabs Total churches No. with cross slabs 


Bulmer/Boro 

44 

19(43%) 

13 

2 (15%) 

57 

21 (37%) 

Catterick 

27 

20(74%) 

12 

2 (17%) 

39 

22 (56%) 

Cleveland 

49 

32 (65%) 

18 

5 (28%) 

67 

37 (55%) 

Richmond 

29 

22(76%) 

9 

3 (33%) 

38 

25 (66%) 

Ryedale/Dic 

41 

29(71%) 

12 

3 (25%) 

53 

32 (60%) 

N. Riding 
Totals 

190 

122(64%) 

64 

15 (23%) 

254 

137 (54%) 


An overwhelming majority of the North Riding’s cross slabs are located at parish churches 
rather than chapels, which is to be expected considering that the reservation of burial rights 
to parish churches was common throughout the medieval period (Pounds 2000, 36) . How- 


MEDIEVAL CROSS SLABS 


163 



Fig. 3 Church sites featuring cross slabs, and the number of monuments per site 


ever, as the Middle Ages wore on, many chapels appear to have been afforded rights of 
burial, bapdsm, tithe, and marriage, and could become elevated to full parochial status. Even 
when parochial status was not granted, pressure by parishioners, benefactors, and landown- 
ers could often win rights such as burial (Pounds 2000, 113). The existence and the date of 
cross slabs at chapels is potentially valuable evidence for the development of the North 
Riding’s subsidiary churches, indicating not only when particular chapels gained burial 
rights, but also illustrating their growing social importance. Along with the parish churches, 
they too had become attractive locales for elite display, competition, and the establishment 
of family legacies. 

Styles and Production 

In terms of form, the two most common types of medieval cross slab are the upright 
marker, often a standing cross, and the recumbent slab. Both of these forms had featured in 
ninth and tenth-century Anglo-Scandinavian sculpture as well, but in that period, the stand- 
ing cross was far more prevalent, accounting for approximately 70 per cent of the North 
Riding’s Anglo-Scandinavian monuments (Lang 1991, 2001). This trend had been emphati- 
cally reversed by the twelfth century. Standing markers do occur throughout the cross slab 
sample, but they are chiefly limited to the eleventh and twelfth centuries, and they comprise 
only 8 per cent of the cross slab total. Recumbent monuments make up the other 92 per cent 
and, although some of the markers feature a coped profile, the vast majority are flat slabs, 
carved with either incised, relief, or sunk relief designs. 

As the name implies, the most common decorative motif on post-Scandinavian funerary 
sculpture is the cross, which generally occupies the main central panel of recumbent slabs. 
In North Yorkshire, most of the monuments which can be assigned to a recognized style fall 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 






Fig. 4 Cross slab designs in the North Riding (after Ryder): 1) Bracelet and bracelet-derivative 
crosses; 2) Straight-arm crosses; 3) Splayed-arm crosses; 4) Wheel-head and interlaced-diamond 
crosses; 5) Geometric patterns and crosses; 6) Emblem-only slabs 





MEDIEVAL CROSS SLABS 


165 


into six broad groups, based primarily on cross head designs, which have been defined most 
systematically in work by Peter Ryder (Ryder 1991, 49-58; 2005, 10-16) . They are: bracelet 
and bracelet-derivative crosses; straight-arm crosses; splayed-arm crosses; multi-armed wheel 
and interlaced-diamond crosses; geometric designs; and emblem-only slabs (Fig. 4) . The 
earliest types to appear consistently are the geometric designs and splayed-arm crosses, 
along with some straight-arm crosses, all of which are in common use from c. 1100, and 
throughout the twelfth century. Straight-arm crosses, however, are also prevalent in the very 
late period of cross slab production, in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The basic 
bracelet head cross emerges in the late-twelfth century, is used consistently throughout the 
thirteenth century, and occasionally persists long beyond that, judging from datable stylistic 
motifs used in conjunction with the bracelet, such as ogee arches. More elaborate, often 
floriated, derivatives of the basic bracelet head make up much of the work of the thirteenth 
and fourteenth centuries. Emblem-only slabs appear throughout the medieval period, and 
are generally difficult to date, but the style of the emblem or form of the monument can 
occasionally provide a clue as to the broad period of origin. 

Most slab designs can be placed under one of these stylistic subsets, and though there are 
occasionally unclassifiable designs, the majority of the unidentifiable slabs are merely too 
fragmentary, rather than too obscure, to classify. The variation of style and decoration 
within these categories, especially with the most popular bracelet and straight-arm styles, is 
remarkable. This exceptionally wide range of variation appears to be common in cross slabs 
throughout the North of England (cf. Ryder 1985, 1991 , 2005) . In contrast, the cross slabs of 
East Anglia and the East Midlands, which primarily feature Bamack and Purbeck workshop 
products and copies of them, display more uniformity of design and shared motifs, such as 
the ‘double-omega’ shaft decoration characteristic of Barnack (Butler 1965, 121; Finch 
2000b, 29) . The North Riding slabs feature no such unifying decorative trait, and the sheer 
variety of motifs suggests that they cannot have been supplied by centralized workshops, 
even within the small ‘schools’ of carving that will be discussed in more depth below. 

North Riding cross slabs generally vary in style and form from church to church, rather 
than regions or large groups of churches featuring monuments with replicated designs, 
which might be expected in the catchment area of a major workshop. In addition, there are 
sometimes groups of extremely similar cross slabs at single churches, which are not dupli- 
cated further afield, and at most feature at a neighbouring church. These examples include 
the idiosyncratic petal and bracelet crosses at Kirby Misperton (Ryedale) , the very unusual 
inverted bracelet crosses at Myton-on-Swale (Bulmer) , the large numbers of almost identical 
standing cross markers at Kildale (Cleveland) , the semi-effigial slabs at Melsonby (Rich- 
mond) , and the group of coped monuments at Hauxwell (Catterick) . It thus appears that 
most rural North Riding slabs are likely to have been the work of either very small provincial 
sculpting workshops or village masons, and judging from the crudity of the carving on some 
slabs, production in some areas may have fallen to part-time sculptors or even woodcarvers. 
(Fig 5) . Nevertheless, the widespread popularity of the bracelet cross and its variations 
indicates that the North Riding slab makers were not operating in a stylistic vacuum. There 
was undoubtedly a knowledge of styles that were popular on a national scale, and some of 
these local carv ers may have worked from templates or copy books of designs. 


166 YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 



Fig 5. A straight-arm cross with crude fleur-de-lis at Kirby Ravensworth (Richmond); thirteenth 
century 


Table 2: Cross slab styles, by deanery 


Bracelet and derivatives Straight- arm Splayed-arm 


Bulmer/Boro 

13 

10 

3 

Catterick 

30 

13 

2 

Cleveland 

57 

51 

45 

Richmond 

62 

36 

8 

Ryedale/Dic 

31 

19 

9 

N. Riding 
Totals 

193 

129 

67 


Wheel/Inter. 

Diamond Geometric 

Emblem Only 

1 

0 

4 

9 

1 

1 

4 

12 

6 

25 

7 

2 

0 

7 

5 

39 

27 

18 


Table 2 tracks the distribudon of cross slab styles in the North Riding. The most common 
types by far are the bracelet-head cross and its derivadves, and the straight-ai m cross. The 
bracelet cross is the most common cross slab motif throughout northern England (Ryder 


MEDIEVAL CROSS SLABS 


167 


1991, 52), and bracelet or bracelet-derivative heads occur on 193 North Riding slabs at 
eighty different sites. This total includes seventeen occurrences of the expanded-centre 
cross, as well as sixteen four-circle cross heads, which are likely to be either a predecessor or 
a contemporary variadon, or both, of the bracelet head. There are 129 straight-arm crosses 
on slabs and standing markers at sixty-nine churches, which include designs ranging from 
simple ‘Latin’ crosses, to derivative styles such as cusped arms, equal-armed Greek or ham- 
mer-head crosses, or the very popular derivation that features clustered foliate terminals. 
There are also nine slabs which fall somewhere between straight-arm and bracelet derivative 
designs, either because of curving terminal foliage which gives a bracelet-like shape to the 
arms, or else the rare slab that fully combines both motifs. Both straight-arm and bracelet 
crosses are exceptionally evenly distributed throughout the Riding, with no substantial gaps 
in the distribution pattern (Fig. 6) . 

The next most common type is the splayed-arm cross (‘Maltese’ or ‘cross patee’), which 
occurs sixty-seven times on North Riding slabs. This design encompasses a wide range of 
short, thick, expanded-arm crosses, which can feature either square-ended or curved termi- 
nals, and can be plain or inscribed within an incised or sunk circle. They are often dated to 
the early/ mid-twelfth century, but they almost certainly persisted in use up to c. 1 200 and the 
period of dominance of the bracelet cross. Several of these slabs might even be termed 
‘proto-bracelets’, because the curve of the circle and their splayed terminals make wide 
bracelet-like shapes in the cross angles, but they are without the standard foliage terminals 
and buds that characterize the fully developed bracelet style. These slabs occur in many 
parts of the North Riding, but most of the church sites featuring them are in northern areas, 
and the slabs themselves are overwhelmingly concentrated in Cleveland deanery (Fig. 7). 
They are not as highly localized as some of the other design types that will be discussed 



Fig. 6 Distribution of sites featuring straight-arm and bracelet cross monuments 



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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 



Fig. 7 Distribution of sites featuring splayed-arm crosses, and the number of monuments per site 


below, but the splayed-arm concentration in Cleveland suggests that while production was 
not centralized, provincial stylistic preferences could be a major factor in design choice, 
particularly in the early years of cross slab production. 

Occurring in considerably smaller numbers are the four other styles of cross slab, which 
are the multi-armed wheel-cross (seventeen examples) , the interlaced-diamond head (twenty- 
two examples) , geometric-based designs (twenty-seven examples) , and emblem-only grave 
slabs (eighteen examples) . The wheel-cross and interlaced-diamond styles are two closely 
related cross designs, generally dated to the later-thirteenth and early-fourteenth centuries 
(Ryder 1986, 33) . They are some of the few North Riding cross slab types which can be 
attributed to an identifiable ‘school’ of carving, along with the striated bracelet cross of the 
late-twelfth/ thirteenth centuries. But even slabs such as these, which are quite localized, do 
not appear to be the work of mass-producing ateliers. The general type is adhered to, but the 
carving varies quite widely within the groups, from fine to very crude and rough, and there 
are often design variations from slab to slab that minimize the likelihood of centralized 
production. 

Wheel-cross and interlaced-diamond head slabs are scattered across the north of the Rid- 
ing, and are primarily found in Richmond deanery. Of the forty examples of these two types 
of cross slab, five are found in Cleveland, nine are found in Catterick, and twenty-five are 
from Richmond. The high concentration in northern Richmond and Cleveland has led Peter 
Ryder to label this slab tradition a ‘Tees Valley type.’ This is confirmed by the surveys of 
Durham and West Yorkshire, where wheel and interlaced-diamond crosses appear on thirty- 
six Durham slabs, but on only two in West Yorkshire (cf. Ryder 1985, 1991 ) . Of the North 
Riding Tees Valley slabs, particularly notable are a Catterick-Richmond group of four highly 


MEDIEVAL CROSS SLABS 


169 



Fig. 8 The interlaced-diamond cross slab at Bulmer (Bulmer); c. 1300 


elaborate interlaced-diamond head slabs with foliate scrolls, found at Bol ton-on-Swale, 
Scruton, Ellerton Priory, and Middleton Tyas (Ryder 1986, 33) . While the distribution and 
variation of the Tees Valley slabs seems to preclude a central workshop for the whole group, 
these four slabs, which lie in close proximity and have a relatively high standard of crafts- 
manship, may have originated from a single workshop or mason. The one outlying inter- 
laced-diamond slab is found in the church at Bulmer, in the far south of the Riding (Fig. 8) . 
It is particularly fine work, carved in crisp relief with very naturalistic foliage terminals, in 
contrast to the often highly stylized or clumsy fleur-de-lis more commonly found on the 
slabs. In terms of decoration, it does not much resemble the northern interlaced-diamond 
examples, but it is unclear whether the Bulmer slab is a local mason’s interpretation of the 
northern style, or whether it is an import from elsewhere. Its very fine carving and distinct 
style may indicate the latter. 

Like the wheel-head and interlaced-diamond crosses, bracelet or circle crosses with in- 
cised line decoration (‘striated’) are another very localized group (Fig. 9) . These slabs are 
clustered along the western edge of the Vale of York, just below the dales. Of the thirty-four 
examples, ten are in Catterick, and twenty-three are in Richmond. Seven churches have 
more than one striated slab, and Forcett and Stanwick have five and six, respectively. Here 
again there is an outlier, atBarton-le-Street, in Ryedale. It is unclear whether the Barton slab 
is an import from the western parts of the Riding, but it is worth noting that it does bear a 
substantial similarity to a slab at Kirkby Fleetham (Catterick) . The geographical distribu- 
tion demonstrates that striated bracelet crosses were a popular local style, but not that they 
were produced by a single atelier. Apart from the shared feature of striated decoration, the 
designs vary so substantially from monument to monument that it is highly unlikely that they 



170 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 



Fig. 9 Distribution of sites featuring wheel-head/interlaced-diamond and striated bracelet crosses 


were produced in a centrally organized manner. In addition, the examples of multiple stri- 
ated bracelet crosses at individual churches support the idea that North Riding slabs were 
often carved by a sculptor working for a single church or a small group of neighbouring 
churches. 

The final two principal types of North Riding slab are the geometric and emblem-only 
slabs. The geometric category encompasses both the abstract geometric designs of repeti- 
tive chevron and lozenge patterns, and the ‘petal’ crosses that take on four-arm, six-arm, 
saltire, ormuld-petal ‘marigold’ forms (Fig. 10). Both geometric and emblem-only forms 
occur quite early in the cross slab tradition, although emblem-only slabs persist for some 
time longer than the geometric examples. The abstract geometric slabs almost certainly date 
to the late-eleventh or early-twelfth centuries (Butler 1965, 117-18; Ryder 2005, 11), rela- 
tively soon after the Norman Conquest and the popularization of chevron, lozenge, and 
other geometric motifs in the architectural and sculptural repertoire (Zarnecki 1951, 17; 
Wood 2001, 3). 

The fourteen abstract geometric examples occur at eight churches, and their distribution 
is limited to the northern part of the Riding, although other types of geometric slabs do 
appear in southern Catterick and Ryedale. Most of the abstract geometric slabs occur in 
Cleveland and Richmond, although there is a possible example at Lastingham, in the north 
of Ryedale. Instead of being limited to a local area, these seem to be a slab type primarily 
associated with relatively marginal, high-elevation land. All of the churches, except for 
Northallerton and Crathorne, lie in the Cleveland Hills, the Pennine Ridge, or the North 
York Moors, and Kildale, Stanwick, and Forcett, three of the most remote parishes, each 
have three abstract geometric slabs apiece. The distribution of these slabs is indeed unusual, 


MEDIEVAL CROSS SLABS 


171 



Fig. 10 Abstract geometric slabs from Kildale (Cleveland); late-eleventh/early-twelfth century 


and no clear explanation immediately presents itself. It cannot be that geometric slabs were 
produced solely due to a lack of knowledge about other cross slab styles, or to the carvers’ 
proficiency. More widespread contemporary or slightly later styles such as bracelet heads 
and cross patees also appear in abundance at Kildale, Stanwick, and Forcett. Instead, the 
unusual distribution may be related to social and cultural pressures particular to the region 
at the cusp of the twelfth century, and the importance of demonsU ating identity in turbulent 
border zones. 

The use of decorative motifs explicitly associated with Norman Romanesque architec- 
ture identified the commemorated, whether he was of Norman or native ethnic affiliation, 
as someone in touch with the stylistic and technological knowledge of the ruling elite. In 
addition, these running geometric motifs have been suggested by Peter Ryder to be a refer- 
ence to the interlace tradition of North Yorkshire’s Anglo-Scandinavian sculpture, but in- 
corporating new Norman motifs (Ryder 2005, 11). These hybrid monuments may have been 
particularly useful in the construction and display of a distincdy Anglo-Norman identity, 
which would have been useful in negotiating the balance of power in turbulent areas. In 
more remote settlements in the borders of Yorkshire, where the new ruling elites were 
forced to coexist with, and often subinfeudate, the still powerful native landholders (Dalton 
1994, 44; Finn 1972, 27), monuments that looked forward as well as back could be beneficial 
for Norman and native lords alike. 

The final type of slab is the ‘emblem-only’ style, which is found on at least eighteen monu- 
ments in the North Riding, and is evenly distributed across the deaneries, without the north- 
south dichotomy seen in some other slab types. (See Table 2.) Comparatively, there are 
twenty-one emblem-only slabs amongst Northumberland’s 730 monuments (Ryder 2000, 
2002, 2003), but only three of West Yorkshire’s 185 slabs (Ryder 1991, 66), six (possibly 
eight) of County Durham’s 550 (Ryder 1985) , and seven of Cumbria’s 526 slabs featured 
only an emblem. Of the eighteen North Riding emblem-only slabs, eleven feature a sword. In 



172 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


three cases the sword was paired with other emblems: once with a bow and arrow, once with 
a spear, and once with a book. The other emblem-only designs were three croziers, another 
bow, a chalice, a pair of scissors (not shears, unusually) , and a knife or dagger. Although 233 
slabs and fragments throughout the whole of the North Riding feature at least one emblem, 
slabs were only adjudged to be ‘emblem-only’ designs when enough of the monument re- 
mained to determine that no cross was intended, or when the emblem or emblems appeared 
to be the primary, central focus of the monument. While the use of the cross slab form for 
emblem-only monuments to some extent probably implied the Christian, memorial aspects 
of medieval commemoration, the decision to give the emblem, and thus presumably the 
deceased’s personal identity, primacy on the monument is noteworthy. In the case of the 
four priesdy/ abbatial symbols, the representation of the cross may have been deemed unnec- 
essary, but die fact that die vast majority of emblem-only monuments feature swords demon- 
strates die key role these monuments could play in the projecdon of secular elite identity, 
and how the expression of that idendty might have been considered by the patron to be the 
most important social function of the monument. 

Secondary emblems 

At least 33 per cent of the North Riding’s slabs bear emblems, and that number may 
originally have been greater, considering the number of fragments that are now too incom- 
plete to determine the original design. Table 3 summarizes the frequency of emblem slabs 
and the percentage of the total number of monuments, as well as the incidence of the most 
common secondary emblems and their locations. It should be remembered that many slabs 
have multiple emblems, so a slab with blacksmith tools and a sword, for example, will be 
counted once among the military emblems, and once among the occupational emblems. 
Slabs with two emblems of the same class (e.g. sword and shield, chalice and paten) will 
appeal* only once in that category. 


Table 3: Occurrence of secondary emblems on cross slabs, by deanery 


S 


<d 


-O 

a 


<D 



JG 


C/2 

rO 

jz 

2 


a 

<D 

2 

a 

QJ 

jy 

a 

& 

£ 


JZ 

2 


C/2 

0 

a 

■a 

G 

CZ 

2 

Dh 

2 

G 


CJ 

s 

CD 

<u 

0 



C/2 

(D 

CD 

TJ 


cZ 

a. 

b 

■5 

■5 

C/2 

C/2 


JO 

2 

JZ 

2 

2 


C/3 

2 

G 

3 

0 

Si 



C/2 

-Q 

2 


a 

<u 

2 

a 

CD 

•s 

6 

2 


c/} 


c/d 



Bulmer/Boro 

6 

1 

3 

Catterick 

25 

11 

11 

Cleveland 

47 

12 

7 

Richmond 

65 

23 

11 

Ryedale/Dic 

4 

0 

3 

N. Riding 

147 

47 

35 


0 

1 

11(26%) 

43 

4 

0 

42 (46%) 

92 

7 

4 

67 (28%) 

240 

10 

5 

101 (45%) 

223 

3 

2 

13(12%) 

105 

24 

12 

234 (33%) 

703 


MEDIEVAL CROSS SLABS 


173 


The main categories are: 1) military emblems, including swords, shields, batdeaxes, knives, 
daggers, and one instance each of a war hammer and a spear; 2) probable female emblems, 
mainly shears and keys; 3) priestly emblems, including books, chalices, patens, croziers, 
mitres, and hands in benediction or blessing; 4) trade or occupation emblems, generally 
represented by tools; and 5) roundels and crosses, which are often marigolds, saltires, petal- 
crosses, and cross patees, and seem to serve as additional religious symbolism on the cross 
slab. 

Slabs with emblems are widely distributed across the Riding, although they are obviously 
concenU ated in the western and northern regions of Richmond, Catterick, and Cleveland. 
Bulmer, which has far fewer monuments overall, unsurprisingly features low numbers of 
secondary emblems, but the lack of emblem slabs in Ryedale, where there is a substantial 
corpus of cross slabs, is very unusual. Secondary emblems are generally more common in 
northerly areas (Ryder 1991, 61) , so it may be a matter of regional preference, but it is 
notable that the bulk of the variation between deaneries lies in the disparity of military 
emblems. The fact that these symbols are so overwhelmingly prevalent in the border regions 
of the Honour of Richmond and Cleveland, particularly in the castle-rich and heavily 
subinfeudated northwestern areas of the Riding (Thomas 1993, 33), suggests that the 
patterning of military emblems could be closely related to social and tenurial pressures. 
Churches associated with castles may have been particularly attractive locales for lordly 
burial and commemoration, as retinues of knights and minor elites, often in the service of a 
single magnate, contested one another for favour and status. In addition, the close ties to 
such a dominant structure of secular authority may have imparted increased social signifi- 
cance to commemorative monuments. 

Throughout the North Riding, the most common emblem by far is the sword, which 
appears on 1 40 slabs and undoubtedly denotes men, probably of elite or knightly rank. 
Other weapon emblems, such as daggers, axes, and spears, occur on North Riding slabs in 
much lower frequencies. These symbols may also denote military elites, but the overwhelm- 
ing prevalence of sword emblems corresponds with the symbolic importance of that weapon 
as a trapping of elite identity and legitimacy (Geary 1994, 62) . The sword is sometimes 
paired with other emblems, and while these symbols are usually military, most frequently the 
shield, swords are occasionally found with symbols denoting a trade, such as a blacksmith, 
and in one instance is paired with the chalice of a priest. 

The second most popular emblem is a pair of shears, which occurs on forty-five different 
slabs. The shears are generally taken to be the symbol of a woman, and the appearance of 
shears on a double-cross slab (East Harlsey 1 ) , on which the other emblem is a sword and 
shield, can be taken as some confirmation of this meaning. This is further strengthened by 
the appearance of shears on the fourteenth-century Wycliffe 1 and twelfth-century East 
Harlsey 2, which both have inscriptions specifically mentioning women. Another probable 
female signifier, the emblem of a key or keys, appears on four slabs. On the double slab at 
Forcett the use of a key on the opposite side of the central cross from a sword probably also 
signifies a woman, a trend that has been noted in other surveys (Butler 1965, 134; Ryder 
1985,25). 

Following shears in popularity are the emblems of the priest, of which the most common 
are chalices or books. Croziers most likely indicate abbots, and while the slabs are now 


174 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 



Fig. 1 1 Emblem-only slab from Westerdale (Cleveland) featuring hunting/ forester emblem of a 
bow and arrow, in addition to a dagger or short sword; uncertain date 

located at parish churches, it is likely that they were transported there from monasteries at 
some point after the Dissolution, rather than the local churches being the intended locadon 
of commemoration. Occasionally, hands in benediction or in prayer are also found, as on 
slabs from Northallerton and Startforth. These emblems often appear individually, espe- 
cially croziers and chalices, but are also frequendy paired with each other, such as the book 
and chalice on Kirklington 2, and die clasped book, chalice and paten on Kirkleavington 28. 




MEDIEVAL CROSS SLABS 


175 


The emblem of the bow appears five times, occasionally paired with a hunting horn, and 
the hom appears on its own in two instances. These emblems are likely to be related to the 
occupation of forester or hunt official, or simply representative of the pastime of hunting 
(Fig. 1 1 ). It is not certain whether these slabs commemorated hunt employees or knightly 
hunters, but the symbolism is certainly compatible with the ethos of the lordly elite. A 
fourteenth-century effigy at Pershore (Worcs) features a knight in full armour, with sword, 
shield, and a horn in his right hand (Coss 1993, 76) , which Peter Coss argues was the effigy 
of a knight-forester who would have had forest service attached to the terms of his fee (Coss 
1993, 72) . On these cross slabs it may be that the commemorated knight felt that hunting was 
as important an aspect of the elite ethos as military service, and chose to have that repre- 
sented on his monument. Alternatively, it is known that some well-regarded non-noble hunts- 
men could acquire the trappings of social standing by virtue of their close involvement with 
elite society and their intimate knowledge and skill in a pastime that was of great symbolic 
importance to the identity of lordship (Almond 2003, 120) . Itis thus likely that whether the 
cross slabs commemorate knighdy hunters or professional foresters, they represent people 
moving in elevated social circles. 

Spatially, the seven hunting emblem slabs are concentrated in the far west of the North 
Riding, especially in Richmond, although there are also two examples in the eastern part of 
the Riding, atKirkdale (Ryedale) and Westerdale (Cleveland) . Interestingly, none of the slabs 
are found in the North Riding’s main area of royal forest land, the Forest of Galtres, which 
covered much of Bulmer, but the concentration in the remote west may bear some signifi- 
cance. In the Pennine moorlands, there were vast areas set aside for the hunting of deer, and 
there were also the forests ofWensleydale, centred on Middleham, Bishopdale, and Coverdale 
(Dormor 2003, 79) . It is worth noting that forester emblems are a feature of slabs in Cum- 
bria and Northumberland as well (five and six examples, respectively) (Ryder 2003, 1 15; 
Ryder 2005, 19) , where there would have been similar rough and open land for hunting. It is 
perhaps significant that castles are found more frequently within the western half of the 
North Riding as well, and the five hunting slabs at Kirby Ravensworth, Bowes, and Melsonby 
churches are all located veiy close to cashes. While the pastime of hunting or the occupation 
of forester were certainly not limited to one region, they may have been more prevalent or 
central to identity in the western North Riding, because of the hunting grounds and lordly 
culture associated with a casde-rich landscape (Liddiard 2000, 51; Liddiard 2005, 105) . 

In the North Riding, emblems that are obviously representative of trade seem to be limited 
to blacksmiths and masons/carpenters (nine examples) , yet the pair of scissors on Kirby 
Wiske 1 may be the emblem of a cloth worker, and a few other indeterminate emblems, such 
as staves and possible tools, could be related to occupation. The craftsmen that are repre- 
sented on cross slabs may be due to the social value of those particular U'ades to the elite. In 
estate records, millers and smiths were the only two craftsmen likely to be present in most 
standard agricultural villages, because only for these trades was demand high enough for a 
single village to support the craftsman (Harvey 1990, 106-7; Faull and Moorhouse 1981, 
769) , but there is as yet no evidence for a slab with emblems clearly denoting a miller. 
Carpenters, too, are infrequently depicted, although their tools could easily be confused 
with those of the mason, and in small villages the wood carver and the stone carver may have 
been one and the same. 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 



Fig. 12 Cross slab with emblems of blacksmith and sword, Hutton Magna (Richmond); late- 
fourteenth/ fifteenth century 

Masons would have belonged to a specialized and probably lucradve trade because of 
their organized craft guilds and their involvement in the high-status buildings of the elite, so 
their ability to commission cross slabs is perhaps not surprising. Blacksmiths, because of 
their vital role in making military implements, were likely to have been one of the lord’s most 
valued craftsmen, and they may have been rewarded financially and socially for their serv- 
ices, especially as their tenurial situation changed from bond service to cash payment in the 


MEDIEVAL CROSS SLABS 


177 


twelfth and thirteenth centuries (Harvey 1990, 111). The early importance of blacksmiths in 
rural society is clear even from the Anglo-Saxon period (Hinton 2000) , and in the Middle 
Ages they were often freemen and one of the wealthiest and most influential members of the 
non-lordly village community (Faull and Moorhouse 1981, 771 ) . The presence of swords on 
some blacksmith slabs may imply that they were accepted and esteemed by elite society and 
granted access to its symbols and trappings, or else that by the thirteenth century, elite 
control of these identifying symbols was open to contention by aspiring non-elite patrons 
who were growing in power (Fig. 12). 


Table 4: Cross slab emblems by date 




•5 


S- 


■5 

O 


cb 




*5 

in 


w 

■s 



Military emblems 
Female emblems 
Priest emblems 
Trade emblems 
Crosses/ roundels 
Total emblems 


3 

2 

0 

0 

0 

5 


11 

8 

2 

0 

4 

25 


25 

6 

7 

3 

2 

43 


22 

5 

5 

1 

2 

35 


30 17 8 

12 2 5 

7 2 6 

4 7 1 

2 0 2 

55 28 22 


30 

7 
6 

8 
0 

51 


Table 4 summarizes the prevalence of the various emblem categories by date throughout the 
medieval period. While emblems appear on slabs in all centuries, they appear in significant 
numbers only from the middle of the twelfth century, and reach a peak of prevalence in the late- 
thirteenth and early-fourteenth centuries, which mirrors the overall trajectory of cross slab 
monuments. Predictably, the bulk of the earliest emblems are swords and shears, probably 
representing lords and elite women, with a few priestly emblems first appearing in the middle 
of the twelfth century. Secondary crosses and marigold roundels also first appear in the early 
and mid-twelfth century, and may originally be related to the geometric patterning found on 
contemporary Norman architecture and some grave slabs. Emblems began to become truly 
widespread from c. 1200, when trade symbols start to appear and the use of military emblems 
steadily increases. The high rate of military emblems throughout the chronology of the sample 
suggests that even though the range of patrons able to acquire cross slabs was expanding, the 
monument never lost its currency amongst the lordly and knightly elite, who remained respon- 
sible for the bulk of cross slab patronage throughout the medieval period. 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


Generally, the popularity of secondary emblems is a feature of northern England’s funerary 
sculpture. Well over 50 per cent of slabs in Durham, Northumberland, and Cumbria (Ryder 
1985, 17; 2003, 114; 2005, 17), and 33 per cent of West Yorkshire slabs (Ryder 1991, 61) 
possess them. This is in stark contrast to the Midlands (below the Trent) and South, where 
far fewer secondary emblems, and far fewer slabs overall, have been found (Butler 1965, 
134) . There was only one slab with a secondary emblem in Jonathan Finch’s survey of 
Norfolk (Finch 2000a, 31 ) , and Lawrence Butler notes that emblems occur on between 1 and 
3 per cent of slabs in Lincolnshire, Leicestershire, Rutland, Cambridgeshire and 
Huntingdonshire, Bedfordshire, and Hertfordshire (Buder 1987, 247) . Peter Ryder specu- 
lates that the frequency of secondary emblems on slabs in the north may be due to the greater 
personalizadon and specificadon available on locally, rather than centrally, produced monu- 
ments (Ryder 1991, 61 ) . In the Midlands and South, where workshop producUon and distri- 
budon was more common, impersonal monuments would have been the norm. Buder has 
noted that in his study of the East Midlands, none of the slabs from Bamack or Purbeck bore 
secondary emblems, except for a very few which had emblems added after delivery, plainly 
carved in a different style and hand (Buder 1 965, 1 34) . Indeed, the two slabs in the North 
Riding which are obviously imported from marble workshops, Old Mahon 1 and 
Spennithorne 1, bear this out. They are made of Purbeck and Frosterley marble, respec- 
Uvely, and both have the standard cross botonee design often found on Purbeck products 
(Butler 1965, 135) , and no secondary emblems. Possessing the wealth and resources to 
acquire imported stones in North Yorkshire, where local stone was the prevailing medium, 
may have negated the need for an elite emblem, as the stone itself would have been signifier 
enough. 

hi deed, some have argued that if only a well-established and defined elite were commemo- 
rating, the need for identifying emblems would be totally obviated, as the very act of stone 
commemoration would be sufficiently distinctive (Finch 2000a, 31). This may well have 
been true in areas of the country where stone was less prevalent, cross slab production was 
more limited, and centralized workshops provided most monuments, and it might begin to 
explain the general lack of emblems on southern slabs. But the range and frequency of 
emblems in the North Riding, even in early periods when stone commemoration was likely 
to be highly socially restricted (Finch 2000a, 31 ; Stocker 2000, 182) , proves that this was not 
the case in some regions of northern England. Given the regularity and widespread disUibu- 
tion of emblems on the North Riding’s slabs, these signifiers must have been a meaningful 
and communicative aspect of commemoration in the region. 

SPATIAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL ANALYSIS 
Densities and distribution patterns 

North Yorkshire’s 703 cross slabs at 137 churches is the second highest number of monu- 
ments and sites produced by a single surveyed region (cf. figures from Buder 1987, 247; 
Ryder 1985, 1991, 2000, 2002, 2003 2005). In northern England, Northumberland has 
slighdy more monuments than the North Riding, with 730 slabs at eighty-seven sites. Follow- 
ing the North Riding are County Durham and Cumbria, with 550 slabs at seventy-five sites 
and 526 slabs at 1 18 sites, respectively. West Yorkshire (n.b. not the enure West Riding) has 
only 185 slabs at forty-seven churches. The North Riding has the third highest density, at 5. 1 


MEDIEVAL CROSS SLABS 


179 


slabs per site, behind Northumberland at 8.4 monuments per site and Durham at 7.3, and 
followed by Cumbria and West Yorkshire with 4.5 and 3.9 slabs per site. Calculating the East 
Riding’s cross slab density is impossible due to the lack of a full catalogue, butJ.E. Morris’s 
study of the Riding’s churches and monuments, while almost certainly incomplete, revealed 
that only forty-one of 188 churches (22 per cent) contained cross slabs (Morris 1906) . Brian 
and Moira Gittos’ monument survey suggests 153 slabs at an unknown number of churches 
(Gittos and Gittos 1989, 103) , which clearly demonstrates that the overall number of monu- 
ments and the probable density of monuments per site is considerably lower than in the 
North Riding. 


Table 5: Density of cross slabs, by deanery 



No. of sites 

with cross slabs 

No. of cross slabs 

Average density 
of monuments/ site 

Bulmer/Boro 

21 

43 

2.0 

Catterick 

22 

92 

4.2 

Cleveland 

37 

240 

6.5 

Richmond 

25 

223 

8.9 

Ryedale/Dic 

32 

105 

3.3 

N. Riding 

137 

703 

5.1 


The variations in density by deanery are not particularly sharply defined, with Bulmer/ 
Boroughbridge, Catterick, and Rye dale /Dickering all having averages of between two and 
four slabs per site. (See Fig. 3.) Cleveland is somewhat higher at 6.5 monuments per site, and 
Richmond is by far the highest with an 8.9 average. Richmond is the most exceptional 
deanery for cross slabs in all of the North Riding, with 223 monuments at only twenty-five 
sites. It has nearly the same number of monuments as Cleveland, but at one-third fewer sites. 
The slabs per site density in Richmond is inflated by the groups of monuments at Forcett 
(twenty-nine) , Kirby Ravensworth (thirty-three) , and Stanwick (thirty-eight) , but neverthe- 
less cross slabs are encountered in large amounts throughout the deanery. Four more Rich- 
mond churches have ten or more monuments, a further nine have between five and ten and, 
surprisingly, even the churches deep in the dales all have between seven and ten monuments. 
Cleveland also has a very high incidence of cross slabs, both in sites and density. Several 
churches in the deanery have particularly large concentrations of monuments, especially 
Northallerton (twenty-one), Kildale (nineteen), Inglby Greenhow (twenty-one), and 
Kirklevington (thirty-two) , and seven other churches also have more than ten slabs. 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


Catterick and Ryedale/Dickeiing have no particularly high concentrations of monuments. 
Several churches in Catterick have more than five slabs, but none has more than ten, and in 
Ryedale, only three churches have more than six slabs. In Ryedale/Dickering the slabs are 
spread quite evenly throughout the deanery, and this is generally true of Catterick as well. 
Bulmer has the lowest monuments per site ratio in the whole of the Riding, and while the 
monuments are fairly evenly distributed spatially, there are only two churches with more 
than three slabs (Foston with six; Myton with four) . Overall, the vast majority of the North 
Riding’s chin ches possess fewer than ten monuments, but it is notable that the four churches 
with more than thirty slabs are all located very close to the border with County Durham. In 
general, there is a distinct trend in the North Riding in which high rates of cross slab 
occurrence are correlated with more northerly locations, both in the early and later phases 
of cross slab production. 

Remarkably, this cohesive geographical pattern of provision does not seem to be tied to 
agricultural wealth and the assumed patronal leverage which that would provide. Indeed, 
some of the poorest agricultural areas of the North Riding, such as the deanery of Rich- 
mond, seem to have attracted the most dense cross slab provision, while the most prosper- 
ous and populated areas, like the southern Vale of York (Maxwell 1962, 115, 121) , encom- 
passed by Bulmer, feature the least. There would undoubtedly have been large sculpture 
workshops based in the city of York, which could export their wares into the surrounding 
regions. York monumental products, including cross slabs, brasses, and effigies, certainly 
made their way to the East Riding (Gittos and Gittos 1989, 105). This could explain the 
much lower cross slab provision of Bulmer and the southern parts of the North Riding in 
general. Patrons in Bulmer might have looked more often to monuments generated in York, 
and by the late-medieval period, other forms of commemoration offered from the city may 
have been competing with cross slabs more than in the rest of the North Riding. Certainly 
brasses are more prevalent in Bulmer and eastern Ryedale than in any other part of the 
North Riding (Badham 1979, 14) . In contrast, areas distant from York would not have been 
able to access readily the sculptural workshops present in the city, and so from an early date 
would have been reliant on local production. As such, the provincial carvers of these regions 
may have become far more developed, resulting in style variations that were more idiosyn- 
cratic and regionally exclusive, and in patrons who had a marked affinity for the continuing 
use of cross slabs in the face of other, more prestigious monumental forms. 

Rates of survival and their impact on the dataset must of course be considered in any study 
of material culture, but they are particularly crucial when dealing with relatively small pieces 
of sculpture that are easily broken, moved, or reused. Some have maintained that the surviv- 
ing provision of monuments is far less, perhaps only 10 per cent, than originally existed 
(Badham 2005, 184; Gittos and Gittos 1989, 104; Ryder 1991, 5) . However, plotting the 
occurrence and density of cross slabs spatially in the North Riding has enabled a re-evalua- 
tion of this premise. While it is feasible that the numerical distributions of cross slabs could 
be due solely to factors of survival, it is highly unlikely that the North Riding density patterns 
would be so geographically consistent if that were so. Also, if survival were such a pivotal 
factor, it is unlikely that the distribution of sites that have cross slabs (discounting how many 
they have) would be so even across the whole of the sample area. Indeed, there are no real 
gaps in the spatial distribution of monuments apart from the North York Moors and the 


Number of Monuments 


MEDIEVAL CROSS SLABS 


181 


upper east coast, where church provision on the whole was more sparse due to the rough 
terrain and unproductive land. Also, the forty-one sites with a single cross slab that are 
scattered fairly evenly across the North Riding are an important indicator. Uniform distri- 
butions and low densities of Anglo-Scandinavian sculpture have been argued to indicate a 
proportional representation of the original provision (Stocker 2000, 180), and the high 
number of single slab per site survivals across North Yorkshire also seems to preclude 
random rates of destruction or loss. 

The low density of slabs throughout the deanery of Bulmer may provide the best evidence 
for good rates of cross slab survival and accurate distributional patterns. The assumption 
that most churches once had far more slabs than those that now survive has been based on 
a few examples where restorations have revealed extremely high numbers of monuments 
reused, and thus preserved, in late-medieval fabric. For example, at Brancepeth (County 
Durham) , nearly 100 slabs built into the fifteenth-century clerestory were discovered when 
the church burnt down in 1998 (Ryder and Williams 2004, 121 ) . However, in Bulmer, there 
is a very low rate of cross slab incidence despite high rates of Victorian and modern rebuild- 
ing, supporting suggestions that what now survives is a fair representation of what once 
existed. There were undoubtedly medieval churches such as Brancepeth, Bakewell (Derby- 
shire) , and Barnack (Lincolnshire) or, on a smaller scale, Forcett and Stan wick in the North 
Riding, with remarkably high provisions of cross slab commemoration. However, churches 
with more than twenty monuments are anomalies in the North Riding distribution, rather 
than the norm. It therefore seems that social influences, which varied from region to region 
and church to church, were the primary controlling factor for the number of monuments at 
a site, rather than random survival. 

Chronological patterning 

In addition to the spatial patterns, there are also meaningful chronological patterns of 
cross slab provision in the North Riding (Fig. 13) . The graph shows a steady rise in cross slab 


160 



Fig. 13 Chronological distribution of cross slabs in the North Riding 


182 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


production from the Saxo-Norman monuments of the late-eleventh and early-twelfth centu- 
ries, through the main part of the twelfth century, and into one of the highest periods of 
production, the late-twelfth/ early-thirteenth centuries. This period was characterized by the 
flourishing of the bracelet-cross design, and has been cited as a high point of production in 
the Midlands and East Riding (Butler 1965, 95; Gittos and Gittos 1989, 103). In West 
Yorkshire, Peter Ryder notes that cross slab production seems to peak around the year 1300 
(Ryder 1991 , 56) , and this is also time for the North Riding sample. 

The apparent decline in cross slab production between the peaks of the late-twelfth/ early- 
thirteenth and late-thirteenth/ early-fourteenth centuries should almost certainly be less steep 
than it appears on the graph. The basic bracelet cross does seem to have been most common 
in the last quarter of the twelfth and the first half of the thirteenth century (Ryder 1991, 52), 
but its appearance with diagnostic elements of the later thirteenth/ fourteenth centuries, 
such as fleur-de-lis and ogee arches, demonsUates that the style had an enduring popularity. 
Because of a lack of diagnostic daring features, it is certain that some of the bracelet crosses 
which have been assigned to the late-twelfth/eai ly-thirteenth century blanket date actually 
belong to the later years of the thirteenth century. 

The sharp drop-off into the late-fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, on the other hand, 
appears to be a genuine pattern. The use of cross slabs did persist for far longer in northern 
England than in southern areas, and the monuments (increasingly in the form of large floor 
slabs) were in use at the same time as effigies and brasses, rather than being replaced by them 
(cf. Finch 2000b, 32) . However, the slowing in cross slab commission and production after 
the early-fourteenth century has been noted even in West Yorkshire, where the successful 
textile trade buoyed the late-medieval economy (Ryder 1991, 56; Ryder 1993, 57). Neverthe- 
less, the sixty-four slabs that date from the later-fourteenth to sixteenth centuries show that 
even in the face of challenges from other monument forms, cross slabs continued to be 
viewed as a monument of status by their patrons. In some cases, they were deliberately 
chosen by patrons whom we might assume also had access to effigies or brasses should they 
have desired them, such as knightly lords ( the four Percy slabs at Kildale and William Sawcock 
and his wife at East Harlsey) and abbots (Robert Thornton ofjervaulx, now at Middleham) . 

When the date distributions are separated by deanery, interesting spatial patterns of com- 
memoration begin to emerge (Table 6) . Cleveland and Richmond have very high levels of 
late-twelfth/early-thirteenth century commemoration, with Ryedale also contributing a sub- 
stantial amount Late-thirteenth/early-fourteenth century slabs are the most prevalent in the 
sample, primarily due to the particularly high concentrations in Cleveland, Richmond, and 
to some extent, Catterick. Richmond and Cleveland, which have the most cross slabs overall, 
are the only deaneries to have relatively high levels of cross slab production across every 
date range. Cleveland is also the only deanery with large amounts of fourteenth, fifteenth, 
and sixteenth-century work, which falls off quite sharply in the other regions. This high rate 
of late-medieval provision may be related to the availability of contemporary monumental 
forms. While brasses were relatively rare throughout the North Riding in comparison to 
other regions, they were particularly sparse outside of the central Vale of York and eastern 
Ryedale (Badham 1979, 14) . However, in the mid-fourteenth century, the Ingle by Arncliffe 
effigial workshop distributed secular effigies throughout Cleveland. Though only ten now 
remain, it is possible that many more once existed (Gittos and Gittos 2002, 1 4, 27) , and 


MEDIEVAL CROSS SLABS 


183 


these locally produced effigies may well have been a viable alternative choice to cross slabs 
for some patrons. In late-medieval Cleveland, as well as other more remote areas, the limited 
availability of Yorkshire School brasses may have influenced the continued use of cross 
slabs. But the presence of effigies throughout the deanery demonstrates that cross slabs were 
not necessarily a secondary option forced upon patrons of lesser standing, but could remain 
patrons’ primary choice for commemoration, perhaps due to their long-standing promi- 
nence and legacy of use in the region. 


fable 6: Cross slab distribution by date, by deanery 



CM 










1Z 

*5 






<U 

w 



d 

<u 

CM 

f— H 

d 

<v 


d 

<v 



'O 

CD 


r— H 

-4— ) 

CM 

r-H 

CO 

CO 

t— H 

B 

CD 

c3 

w 

J-i 

QJ 

rO 

A 


i> 

'O 

<V 

w 


<u 



u 

w 


d 

J 

§ 

d 

§ 

d 

■J 

§ 

•S 

to 

*— H 

U 

D 

f2 

Bulmer/Boro 

1 

3 

6 

8 

10 

1 

0 

14 

43 

Catterick 

1 

11 

13 

11 

32 

5 

5 

14 

92 

Cleveland 

13 

55 

37 

11 

44 

16 

11 

53 

240 

Richmond 

10 

18 

46 

32 

47 

13 

5 

52 

223 

Ryedale/Dic 

9 

13 

25 

10 

20 

7 

2 

19 

105 

N. Riding 

34 

100 

127 

72 

153 

42 

23 

152 

703 

The 

patterns of pre- 

•thirteenth century commemoration 

are of particular interest, as it is 



the period of the Middle Ages on which the least work on commemoration has been done. 
In the North Riding, the prevalence of cross slab monuments is not restricted to the late 
medieval period. Although the thirteenth and early-fourteenth centuries are the peak of 
cross slab production, the long century between c. 1100 andc. 1220 accounts for nearly 50 
per cent of the datable medieval provision. The cross slab evidence for the eleventh to early- 
thirteenth centuries is well distributed across the Riding, with a total of 261 monuments at 
eighty-two churches (Fig. 14). 

Bulmer has the fewest examples with nine possible twelfth-century slabs, mostly bracelet 
heads from c. 1200, and only one eleventh/ early-twelfth century monument, a standing 
marker from Felixkirk. Catterick’s twelfth-century monuments are chiefly bracelet heads as 
well, but there is an interesting group at Hauxwell and Finghall of steeply coped slabs with 
gables, ridge crosses, and military emblems that can be dated to some time in the twelfth 
century (Fig. 15) . Ryedale displays a similar distribution to Catterick, with much twelfth- 


184 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 



Fig. 14 Distribution of church sites featuring cross slabs dating from the eleventh century to the 
early-thirteenth century, and the number of monuments per site 


century work, found chiefly in late-twelfth/ early-thirteenth century bracelet crosses, but also 
in a significant number of cross patees and petal crosses. Early twelfth-century work is 
stronger here, but Ryedale has fewer Saxo-Norman transitional monuments than we might 
expect, considering that the deanery is remarkable for the number and quality of Saxo- 
Norman churches that were being built in the late-eleventh and early-twelfth centuries (Mor- 
ris 1985, 54; McClain 2005, 105) . Richmond and Cleveland have by far the highest concen- 
trations of twelfth-century and earlier work, including a significant number of Saxo-Nor- 
man pieces. Early monuments, like cross slabs as a whole, seem to be more prevalent closer 
to the Tees and the Durham border. 

The relationship between cross slabs and late-medieval forms of commemoration has 
been discussed, but perhaps more important is their relationship to the monuments that 
preceded them, and with which they are far more closely affiliated. Despite their marked 
prevalence from the twelfth century onwards, cross slabs were not an innovation of the post- 
Conquest period. The production and use of cross slabs accelerated markedly in the twelfth 
century, as did the building of stone local churches (McClain 2005, 209) , but both traditions 
place their origins well before the Norman invasion of England. Cross slabs did not spring 
fully formed in the twelfth century, but rather developed out of the distinct and established 
stone commemorative tradition that had long flourished in Anglian and Anglo-Scandinavian 
\brkshire (Butler 1958, 209) . Scandinavia had no stone-sculpting tradition of its own prior 
to the late-tenth century, yet the ninth and tenth-century settlers of Yorkshire quickly took 
on the existing material vocabulary of Anglian ecclesiastical sculpture and adapted it to suit 



MEDIEVAL CROSS SLABS 


185 



Fig. 15 Steeply coped, gabled slab with ridge cross and shield, Middleham (Richmond); twelfth 
century 

their own political and spiritual purposes (Richards 2000, 159) . In much the same way, the 
elite of the eleventh and twelfth centuries adopted a mode of commemorative practice that 
was well established in the regions they conquered, and brought to it their own stylistic 
conventions. In terms of integration, legitimation, and the establishment of authority, they 
would have found it to their advantage to patronize a form of material culture that was 
already understood and meaningful. 


186 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


Medieval cross slabs are obviously distinct in form and motif from Anglo-Scandinavian 
sculpture, but in some cases the cross slab tradition was directly influenced by tenth and 
eleventh-century monument styles. It has been speculated that most hogbacks and recum- 
bent Anglo-Scandinavian markers would also have had a standing marker on at least one end 
(Lang 2001 , 21 ) , and the practice of marking a buiial with both an upright and a recumbent 
marker seems to have held over into the eleventh and twelfth centuries (Ryder 1991, 1) , as 
can still be seen in die eleventh-century burials at Whitby Abbey. The connection between 
hogback monuments and twelfth-century coped cross slabs in the Tees Valley has been 
demonstrated byjames Lang (Lang 1974) , and a standing cross at Lylingdales features the 
ring-head motif of Anglo-Scandinavian Yorkshire monuments, yet has distinctly Roman- 
esque chevron ornament on die arm (McClain 2005, 44). 

The continuity between cross slabs and previous monumental sculpture can not only be 
demonstrated stylistically, but also conceptually. In the tenth century, concomitant with 
changes in die local church as the minster system declined and the parochial system arose 
(Blair 1988b, 7) , there came a shift in die nature of funerary commemoration in the North 
Riding and the surrounding northern Danelaw (Richards 2000, 159) . The Anglian tradition 
of stone sculpture, which seems to have been used primarily for important ecclesiastical 
burials or designating churchyards (Stocker 2000, 193) , was adapted by Anglo-Scandinavian 
patrons into smaller, individual burial markers, apparentiy principally for lay individuals. 
The practice of commemorating lay individuals at local churches with a sculpted stone 
marker corresponds directly with later medieval concepts of burial practice. In addition, 
certain themes clearly persisted, such as the emphasis on localized lordship and military 
trappings as suitable identities for display. As such, the development of these traditions 
should be considered to be a continuous process. Medieval commemoration was not a post- 
Conquest ‘break’ with Anglo-Scandinavian tradition, nor a Norman importation, but very 
much a product of the various stylistic traditions, commemorative practices, and foci of 
patronage in the region. 

CONCLUSIONS 

The analysis above demonstrates how the study of monumental commemoration can 
move beyond the construction of typological and chronological Uajectories of development 
While such chronologies are necessary for gaining a full understanding of commemorative 
practice, they do not on their own consider commemoration in its wider context, nor in 
social terms. The analysis also illustrates how cross slabs, which have often been overlooked 
in favour of monuments with figural representations and identifying inscriptions, played 
just as significant a role in the development of medieval commemoration as these more 
prestigious monuments. In fact, in the North Riding, they can be argued to have had a far 
greater impact than either brasses or effigies, as they were in use over a much longer period 
of time, were located at many more sites, and appear to have reached a wider range of social 
groups. 

Cross slabs were powerful social communicators because they were connected to patrons 
who hailed primarily from the elite secular and spiritual classes. However, they also simulta- 
neously reinforced and actively utilized the spiritual authority present in the key locales of 
everyday Christianity, the local village churches. The monuments were thus visible and 


MEDIEVAL CROSS SLABS 


187 


tangible symbols of secular and religious hierarchy, authority and status. In addition, in 
northern England, their social currency was augmented by ties to the commemorative past 
and by the legitimating legacy of their long-standing use and local or regional origin. It is 
highly significant that even from the early medieval period, funerary monuments were being 
constructed in the medium of stone, which was a luxury afforded to only a very limited class 
of objects in the medieval material world. As a result, patrons most likely felt that their 
monuments would be enduring fixtures in the church or churchyard, and understood that 
the permanent enshrinement of one’s identity in such a monument could pay dividends for 
one’s family in the future. The monument could influence the public perception of the status 
of the deceased and his family. The cross slab could also establish or continue a legacy of 
patronage at a particular site, implying some level of authority or control in the church, as 
well as patronal primacy amongst the village community (Coss 1993, 97; 2002, 49) . 

How these patrons imbued their monuments with symbols of their identity could vary 
widely. As cross slabs were generally not effigial, nor were they frequently inscribed, the 
expression of individuality inherent in the monuments is often assumed to be negligible 
(Aries 1974, 48; Saul 2002, 171) . However, up until the mid-twelfth century in the North 
Riding, cross slabs were generally rare enough that just the possession of such a monument 
would have been enough to identify the patron. The fact that emblems in this period were 
restricted to weapons, priestly symbols, and shears further reinforced the restricted social 
class of commemorators. The monument marked the patron as a person of wealth, as a 
person capable of acquiring resources and technical knowledge, and as a member of either 
the secular or religious local elite, tied directly to power and authority in the realm of the 
rural manor. Cross slabs probably retained these connotations of manorial authority through- 
out the Middle Ages, but once their prevalence began increasing exponentially in the late- 
twelfth century, the widespread use of the secondary emblem suggests that a more distin- 
guishing mark was deemed necessary on many commemorative markers. 

Extrapolating from the frequency of emblems to the entire corpus of North Riding cross 
slabs, those of lordly and priestly rank dominated patronage of the tenth, eleventh, and 
twelfth centuries in the North Riding, and they seem to have continued that pre-eminence 
throughout the Middle Ages. However, those below elite level began to make their mark late 
in the period, as a widening of the range of emblems indicates that some tradesmen were 
joining lordly families and priests as those who could afford and were considered worthy of 
stone monuments. These people may have seen their superiors’ use of cross slabs as worthy 
of emulation. It appears that movement up the social and financial scale was available to 
some villagers, and by demonstrating an understanding of ecclesiastical material culture and 
elite modes of commemoration, they could use cross slab monuments to strengthen their 
family’s newly attained position, or move closer to the ranks to which they aspired. 

While we have been able to identify some of the members of non-noble classes as com- 
memorative patrons, it is difficult to ascertain exactly how far cross slab patronage extended 
up and down the ranks of society. It has been argued that in the late-medieval period, cross 
slabs were displaced from their position at the high end of the commemorative scale, and 
became the monuments of more humble men (Platt 1995, 44) . However, it is difficult to 
reconcile the North Riding evidence with the argument that cross slabs became a common- 
ers’ monument. The expansion to a wider range of patrons that began in the late-twelfth 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


century plainly did not cause the monuments to lose their value in elite society, even in the 
face of competing modes of commemoration. They were a viable commemorative choice, 
alongside brasses and effigies. For the local elite of the North Riding, cross slabs still appar- 
ently served their spiritual and secular purposes — commemorating the dead while simultane- 
ously communicating the status of the deceased and his family. They also, through their 
physical presence in local churches and churchyards, helped to perpetuate the established 
social hierarchy to those in the village community who encountered their monuments, as 
well as communicate competitive social display to the wider landholding community 
(Saunders 1991, 210). 

This study of the North Riding evidence has drawn attention to the value of cross slabs not 
only as an extremely significant part of the development of medieval commemoration, but 
also as a form of monument that was socially significant in medieval society. The monuments 
have the potential to be particularly revealing about patronage within the lower levels of the 
elite, whose wealth and power were drawn from their role in local manorial society, and who 
chose to display the trappings of that authority on a local scale as well. Most importantly, 
however, it is clear that cross slabs were an integral part of the social process. The patterns 
of style, distribution, and use of cross slabs in the North Riding are not the product of 
random survivals of evidence, but have been shown to be closely tied to wider social, cul- 
tural, and tenurial contexts, as well as to the remarkable commemorative tradition of York- 
shire. 


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Yorkshire Archaeological Journal 79, 2007 


195 


EXCAVATION AT THE BARBICAN AND MASTER 
GUNNER S HOUSE AT SCARBOROUGH CASTLE, 

NORTH YORKSHIRE. 

By Colin Hayfield and the late Tony Pacitto, 
with a contribution by Susie White 

Excavations by the late Tony Pacitto at Scarborough Castle in 1977 investigated areas 
adjacent to the Master Gunners House and, in 1979, part of the Barbican. The latter produced 
evidence of a previously unknown gatehouse structure that was in use from the thirteenth to 
the sixteenth century. The Master Gunner’s House excavations may provide evidence of a 
northern extension of the inner bailey ditch, as well of post-civil war military use of the site. 
Clay pipes from the site are also reported on. 

INTRODUCTION 

Between 1975 and 1980 the late Tony Pacitto carried out five seasons of excavations at 
Scarborough Casde. Three of these focused on the medieval ‘King’s Half in the outer bailey 
or Castle Garth that have already been reported (Hayfield and Pacitto 2005) . However, in 
1977 excavaUons took place around the Master Gunner’s House on the north-east edge of 



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the castle between the inner and outer baileys, and in 1979 an area of the Barbican was 
excavated (Fig. 1 ) . 

Although both the excavations at the Barbican and Master Gunner’s House were on a 
smaller scale to those of the King’s Hall, the excavation archive was more complete allowing 
a more stratified sequence of events to be presented. Sadly the site photographs are still 
missing for both sites. However, both excavations make important contributions to our 
understanding of the development of Scarborough Casde. Each site is thus reported on in 
turn. 

At the Barbican foundations were uncovered for a substantial gatehouse structure of 
medieval date and the available documentary evidence is examined to try and identify, and 
more closely date, this structure. The small quantity of pottery recovered contributes to 
establishing that date. 

The excavadons of the Master Gunner’s House found evidence for sUuctures and yards 
associated with the post-medieval Battery ope radons, and also Uaces of a substandal ditch 
that appeared to represent the original condnuation of the great inner bailey ditch. Al- 
though the pottery from this site is of interest, it is the clay tobacco pipes recovered which 
add substanUally to our knowledge of the site. 

EXCAVATIONS AT THE BARBICAN 
BACKGROUND 

The general layout of the Barbican is illustrated in Figure 2, representing a tongue of 
fordficadons following the natural slope down from the keep, south-west from across the 
main casde ramparts to the present casde gates. This area forms Zone One of the recent 
Casde Conservadon Plan (Grenville et al. 1999, 42) . The locadon of the excavated area is 
also shown on Figure 2. 

EXCAVATION 

In July 1 979 the existing visitor Ucket kiosk was dismanded by the then Department of the 
Environment with the intendon of building a new one on the same site. Tony Pacitto was 
invited to carry out exploratory excavadons in the area before the new building work began. 
The old kiosk had been situatedjust to the north of the road access through the barbican 
gateway up towards the keep (Figs. 2 and 3) . Behind it lay the north side of the curtain walls 
that enclosed the Barbican. The land sloped down from the curtain wall towards the Ucket 
kiosk and access road. 

Excavadon allowed the idendficadon of four basic phases of acUvity. 

Phase One ( Nineteenth and twentieth century walling and kiosks) 

(Excavated Contexts, 1-2, 6, 9, 13, 17-18, 21-22) 

Excavadon revealed that the exisdng turf and topsoil overlay a substandal levelling layer 
of grey-brown earth, rubble, and mortal' [ 1 ] which increased in thickness from the side of the 
road towards the northern curtain wall of the barbican. This landscaping layer had been 
added after the construcdon of the Ucket kiosk and contained a wide range of almost wholly 


SCARBOROUGH CASTLE 


197 




Fig. 3 Plan of Later Developments of Barbican Excavations 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


residual pottery from the thirteenth - nineteenth centuries. This pottery included a number 
of sixteenth- and seven tee nth-century imported wares and two crucible fragments of un- 
known date. The ticket kiosk foundations and constr uction tr ench [18] occupied much of 
the ar ea excavated (Lig. 3) , and, it transpires, had already disturbed a number of tire under- 
lying layers; the pottery from [18] lar gely comprising eighteenth and nineteenth-century 
wares. 

Removal of tire landscaping layer [ 1 ] towards tire east of the tr ench revealed tire remains of 
an ear lier ticket kiosk, probably erected shortly after the castle was taken over by the Office 
of Works itr 1920. It was represented by a rectilinear rubble foundation layer [6] about 2m 
lotrg and 1 .2m wide and averaging 0.2m deep. The rubble comprised soft sugary yellow 
sandstone which abutted against the retaining wall [2] (Lig. 3) which had been stepped down 
at this poirrt for access into the ticket kiosk. The only pottery from [6] was a residual sherd 
of seventeenth-century Westerwald stoneware. At the back and side of this early ticket 
kiosk, and related to it, lay a 0.2m deep tr ench, containing a single metal-bound cable. 

It seems probable that the present retaining wall [2] alongside the roadway was associated 
with tire consUuction of this first ticket kiosk. It was about 0.5m wide and faced only on the 
side fronting onto the roadway, but with a row of capping stones along the top. Immediately 
behind it lay a possible construction trench [22] containing a very loose fill which included 
a large group of residual pottery, most dating from the sixteenth to nineteenth centuries, but 
including a small number of thirteenth to fourteenth-century sherds. 

Phase Two: Post Gatehouse Destruction and Cobbled Paths ( late seventeenth-eighteenth 
centuries ) 

(Excavated Contexts: 3-5, 7-8, 10-11, 14-15, 19-20, 27, 35, 38) 

Prior to these ticket kiosks there was a cobbled pathway [7/8] about 0.95m wide running 
more or less parallel to the curtain wall and about 1 .2m in front of it (Lig. 3) . The edges of the 
path were delineated by elongated slabs laid either side flush with the surface of the cobbles 
which were themselves bedded into between 1 and 10 cms of yellow clay. Between the two 
ticket kiosks these cobbles were broken by a shallow intrusive ditch-like feature [13] from 
Phase One which contained four sherds of pottery, two of which were late nineteenth- 
century in date. The cobbled pathway itself contained no datable artefacts, but to judge 
from the material that it overlay, discussed below, is probably of sixteenth- or seventeenth- 
century date. 

These cobbles had been set onto a general rubble/ make-up surface [10/27] between 20-40 
cms deep illustrated in Section 2 (Lig. 6) . It comprised a mixture of earth and yellow clay 
amidst a stone rubble that included fragments of brick, roof tile and clay pipes. The pottery 
was largely of sixteenth- or seventeenth-century date and included several sherds of Low 
Countries Redwar es, and both Langerwehe and Bellarmine stonewar es (Hurst et al. 1986) . 
The surface of this layer to the north-east of the cobbled path [7/ 8] contained a sparse stone 
spread amidst a gingery sand and mortar layer [19/20] (Lig. 3) that included two sherds fr om 
a Bellarmine face medallion; the same vessel as the one from [27] . This surface layer was cut 
into by the cobbles [8] (Lig. 5) . On the east side of the trench, irr the area north of and under 
the original ticket kiosk, layer [10] gave onto a yellow-gr een clay [24] that reportedly con- 
tained three fragments of clay pipe stem. Between this cobbled path and the barbican wall 


rriT 


SCARBOROUGH CASTLE 


199 



Fig. 4 Plan of the Early Building 


200 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


[5] was a 5-15cm lens of coal and cinder fragments [ 14/38] that overlay [19/20] and included 
a range of pottery types extending in date from the eighteenth century. 

The existing barbican wall [3/ 4/5] seemed to be of at least two phases. The wall to the 
north of the ticket kiosks lay in two angled sections [5/ 4] (Fig. 2) . As Section 1 (Fig. 5) 
shows, die foundation trench for wall secdon [5] was cut through the clay, but was sealed by 
make-up layer [27] . The fooUngs for wall [5] lay more or less parallel to the surviving wall 
(Fig. 3) , but die footings [11] to wall secdon [4] was slighdy off-set, and as wall secdon [4] buts 
against [5] it may represent a re-build. Wall [4] also abutted against wall [3]. 

Phases 3 and 4 

Phase 3 Destrucdon of Gatehouse (Sixteendi century) 

(Excavated Contexts 23, 28, 32-34, 36-37, 39, 40-42, 47, 49) 

Phase 4: Associated widi the Occupadon of the Gatehouse (Thirteenth to sixteenth cen- 
tury) 

(Excavated Contexts, 12, 16, 24-26, 29-31, 43-46, 48) 

Wall [5] overlay the foundadons of a massive mortared limestone wall [ 1 6] which appeared 
to form the northern wall of a large building that spanned across the Barbican at that point 
(Fig. 4) . In addidon to die northern wall, excavadon revealed traces of the western [26] and 
eastern [12] walls. These were foundations of levelled limestone, mortared, with roughly 
faced sides, each wall foundation was about 2.0 m wide. To the south, both walls [26] and 
[12] had been cut away, fust by the construcdon of the present retaining wall [2] and later by 
the construcdon of the second Ucket kiosk [ 18] . At the north-westjuncdon of walls [26 and 
16] there was evidence for a further secdon of wall [29] at about 45 degrees to the corner 
(possibly linking with part of the original barbican wall) . At this corner there was the 


Key 

ts'lftj Clay 



Fig. 5 Section across the Barbican Excavations 


SCARBOROUGH CASTLE 


201 


Key 

Clay 

[2^5 Coal Fragments 

LvT Mortar 



remains of a stair well, comprising a lower step and the remains of the spiral stair column 
(Fig. 4) . The inner wall line of [16] was edged to create a passageway to the stair. 

At some point, either during its life or after its destruction, this building appeared to have 
suffered from subsidence, for as Figure 4 shows, both walls [16] and [12] showed substantial 
cracks. A series of loose ashlar stones [33] were associated with the top foundation walls 
[16] and [29] and probably represented structure collapse as the gaps between these stones 
contained a soft, rotten mortar. Within the ‘inside’ of the building there were a series of 
possible flooring deposits. The earliest of these was a 1-2 cm thin mortar spread [43, 45, 46] 
between walls [16] and [26] , and which abutted against the side of the surviving stairwell step 
(Fig. 6) . From [45] came a large sherd from an imported Low Countries pottery skillet, 
probably of fifteenth- or sixteenth-century date (Fig. 12, No. 2). A later flooring is repre- 
sented by layer [44] which comprised a layer of limestone rubble with a rather patchy layer 
of mortar spread over the top of it. [44] also contained several sherds of Low Countries 
pottery and also a sherd of the local sixteenth-century white gritty pottery. Post-demolition/ 
collapse deposits were represented by [42] a brown loam layer directly overlying [44] con- 
taining four sixteenth-century sherds; a layer of mortar fragments [49] , overlying both the 
stairwell step and wall foundation [29] ; a deposit of soft, dark, grey-brown loam [34] contain- 
ing four sherds from a Low Countries potteryjar rim and the rim of a more local sixteenth- 
centuryjar (Fig. 1 2, No 1 ) ; and the loose ashlar stones of [33] mentioned above. Finally, [28] 
a compacted (post demolition?) surface lay flush with the top of foundation wall [26] , and 
overlain by make-up layer [27] discussed above (Fig. 6) . Layer [28] included seven sherds of 
pottery, including Langerwehe stoneware, a Low Countries pot, and four sherds of six- 
teenth-century local wares. 




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Fig. 7 Interpretive drawing of Barbican Area 


The area to the east of these foundations and beneath the first ticket office, revealed a pit- 
like cut [23] that pre-dated the retaining wall [2] but post-dated the foundation wall [12] and 
the layer of yellow-green clay [24] . Feature [23] was filled with a brown loam, clay, brick, 
limestone, mortar fragments, and charcoal flecks, and may represent a robbing feature. It 
cut through [25] , another robbing feature that abutted against barbican wall [3] . Feature 
[25] was filled with large irregular lumps of sandstone walling bonded with mortar and was 
probably the robbed out remains of an original continuation of wall [3] to link up with the 
comer of wall foundation [12]. Retaining wall [2] cuts into [25]. 

Both the existing barbican wall and these three wall foundations were cut into a thick 
spread of apparently natural yellow clay [30/50] and represented the earliest layer encoun- 
tered on the site. From the surface of [30] came two fitting sherds of a Scarborough ware jug, 
belonging to the thirteenth or fourteenth century. 

The main interest of these excavations centres around these massive limestone wall foun- 
dations [12/ 16/26] , each of which was just over 1 .5m wide forming a building about 8.4m 
east-west and at least 6.5m north-south. It seems from its position (Fig. 4) to be the northern 
half of a building that once spanned the access through to the inner Barbican (Fig. 7) . No 
trace of an inner wall alongside the present access road was discovered, but this was almost 
certainly due to disturbance by the existing retaining wall [2] which was left in situ during 
the excavations. The stairwell in the north-west corner implies that there was at least a 
second storey; indeed the foundations seem sufficiently wide to have accommodated quite 
a tall and substantial structure. 


SCARBOROUGH CASTLE 


203 




Fig. 8 Illustrated Barbican Pottery 



The difficulty now comes in trying to identify this structure and its function within the 
Barbican. The range of pottery associated with the structure and its demolition, though 
neither prolific nor definitive, would suggest that the structure was perhaps constructed 
during either the thirteenth or fourteenth century, and that it had probably been demolished 
or collapsed by the sixteenth century. 

FINDS FROM THE BARBICAN SITE 

Of all the finds groups represented from the Barbican excavations only the pottery and 
animal bone could be found. The small quantities of animal bone both from this site and 
from the Master Gunner’s excavations were analysed byjaco Weinstock along with the far 
larger assemblage from the King’s Hall (Hayfield and Pacitto 2005) . After basic analysis it 
was decided that the small quantities of bone recovered, along with their limited stratigraphic 
significance did not warrant more detailed study, although they remain part of the site 
archive. 

The 122 sherds of pottery recovered divided unequally amongst the four identified exca- 
vation phases; 47 from Phase One, 48 from Phase Two, 20 from Phase Three and seven from 
Phase Four. 

The great bulk of the Phase One pottery was residual, eight were medieval, eighteen were 
post-medieval, and twenty-one of nineteenth-century or later date. None are illustrated 

Phase Two pottery, aside from a wide range of residual material, contained a number of 
vessels that belonged to the seventeenth (Frechen, Bellarmine, Westerwald) , and eighteenth 
century (Saltglaze and Chinese Export) . The solitary nineteenth-century sherd was rather 
small and was probably intrusive. 

Phase Three deposits, associated with the demolition and robbing deposits from the 
Ticket Kiosk Gatehouse, indicate a slightly later date range, with nineteen of the twenty 
sherds being appropriate to a sixteenth-century date. There was one residual medieval 
sherd. 

Fig. 8, No. 2 is the rim of a sixteenth-century post-medieval orangeware jar (Context 34) . 

The seven sherds from Phase Four are significant because they are largely associated with 
the occupation of the gatehouse structure prior, or immediately prior, to its demolition. The 
four Low Countries Redware vessels (Hurst et al. 1986) and a Late-Medieval Gritty ware 
(Hayfield 1985) sherd would all sit comfortably with a fifteenth-century attribution. The two 
medieval Scarborough ware sherds from the yellow clay layer, context 30, represented the 
earliest recognisable activity on the site and probably belong to the thirteenth century. 

Figure 8, No. 1 is a sherd from a Low Countries Redware skillet (Context 45) . 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


DISCUSSION OL BARBICAN AREA 

The present, northern, barbican wall has been shown to post-date this squared structure; 
indeed its present kink might have implied some form of modification. A similar kink exists 
in the present southern barbican wall and it seems likely that this too was modified once the 
squared structure was removed. Both the wall section [29] and the robber-trenches [23] and 
[25] (Lig. 4) imply that this structure had been linked into the barbican wall, probably as 
shown in Ligure 7. 

Although the historical sources relating to the castle have yet to be exhaustively researched 
(although Phillpotts 1997 makes a valuable contribution), there are a number of known 
references relating to the various gates and defences of the castle. The following review of 
these documents will illustrate the difficulties of identifying this ‘Ticket Kiosk’ building 
with any certainty. 

William ‘le Gros’, the third earl of Albemarle, is credited with fust fortifying the castle site, 
erecting defences sometime before 1135 and placing a tower of stone at the entrance (Victo- 
ria County History 1923, 541 ) . This tower appears to have had a short life, for it is recorded 
that it was in poor condition when Henry II came to the throne, and that Henry had it taken 
down and replaced by the present keep in 1 1 58. This would suggest that le Gros’s gate tower 
had been situated at the top of the hill close to the site of the present keep. This would not 
be an unreasonable thesis, as the available evidence would suggest that the westwards exten- 
sion of the defences to the thirteenth-century Barbican was largely a secondary develop- 
ment. 

However, in 1 1 74-75 it is recorded that £2 was spent on the making of a gate and barbican 
at Scarborough {Pipe Roll, 21 Henry II, p. 165) , although it is not clear where this lay, and £2 
seems an insubstantial sum for a major new development. In 1190 William of Newbrough 
describes the casde as having a ‘stately tower’ in ‘the very entry'’. This description would 
seem to be referring to the keep itself, apt given the keep’s position in relation to the castle 
yard rather than the present tongue-like barbican that extends down slope. King John spent 
some £2,000 on the casde, although there is no detail provided of these works {Pipe Rolls, 
especially 7 John., p. 42 8c 53, 12John, p.149; 13John, p. 44; 14John, p. 26; Rotlitt Clouse I 
p. 59b, 114a, 124b; Colvin 1963, 30 n.9) . 

In 1243 £40 was spent on anew tower ‘before the casde gate’, and in 1244/5, a further £41 
7s 3d ‘completing the building of the great gateway at Scarborough Castle’ ( Cal. Liberate 
Rolls 1240-5, pp. 168, 187; Pipe Roll27 Henry III, Rot 12d; Pipe Roll28 Henry III, Rot 11). 
If the original gateway was built close to the keep, and certainly not beyond the great ditch, 
then we are left with this ‘new tower’ as a strong contender for the identification of the 
‘Ticket Kiosk’ building foundadons. 

In 1278 the ‘Great wooden bridge between the Barbican and die main gate’ was recorded 
as being in ‘bad state’. Here perhaps we have confirmadon of a Barbican structure outside 
the ditch. In 1313-14 repairs are recorded to the ‘great bridge’, and in 1336-7 the great 
bridge was rebuilt in stone (Colvin 1963, 831 ) . It is hard to see this ‘great bridge’ as being 
anything other than the bridge across the main casde ditch, the new stone bridge being the 
surviving double span bridge. 

In 1361 a writ was made to the Sheriff of York to enquire as to the cost of repairs done by 


SCARBOROUGH CASTLE 


205 


Richard Tempest at the castle of Scarborough (ibid., 831-2) . It included a building called ‘le 
Porterhous’ by the outer gate which was greatly damaged as to its walls, and the timber 
decayed for want of roofing. There was also a tower beyond the inner gate called the 
‘constable tower’ which was roofed with lead and a latrine adjoining roofed with planks. 

The Constable tower features again in the records for 1424-9 (Victoria County History 
1923, 545) when it is stated to be in such poor condition that it must be taken down and re- 
built. This work was carried out by one Thomas Hyndeley, master mason at Durham 
Cathedral Priory, whose instrucUons were to ‘devyse and ordeine the moste siker grounde 
of the constable toure before saide’ (Colvin 1963, 832) . 

In 1538 a survey was taken of Scarborough Castle by Sir Marmaduke Constable and Sir 
Ralph Ellerker (Rowntree 1931 , 159-64) . It began by saying that at the entry of the outer 

ward towards the west is a ‘porter lodge of oon story heght covered wyth leade Under 

the same lodge is a pare of olde gatis of wode in height iiij yards, in brede thre yards and oon 
fote, and a place for a portcules. . ’ . At the entry of the second ward is an old bridge which has 

been a drawbridge 5 yards long and three broad. ‘Within’ is a turret and ‘within’ another 

old bridge of the same size as the first. At the entry of the third ward is ‘neither tower nor 
house but a pare of evil tymber gatis’ , while at the entry of the inner ward the gates are gone 
and the stonework decayed. 

By this date there is every possibility that the ‘Ticket Kiosk’ building was no longer 
standing. Certainly it does not seem to be mentioned. The ‘porter lodge’, the first building 
to be encountered on approaching the casde, is probably the present outer gateway. The 
enUy to the second ward is probably that over the great ditch, the double bridge with turret, 
presumably being the Constable tower referred to in 1361 and 1424. The ‘evil timber gates’ 
would have to give onto the courtyard to the side of the keep where the Master Gunner’s 
House was later built, while the ‘inner ward’ entry probably refers to the now missing 
gateway entrance across the inner ditch separating the inner bailey with the keep from 
Castle Garth beyond. 

EXCAVATIONS AT THE MASTER GUNNER’S HOUSE 
BACKGROUND 

The Master Gunner’s House is an imposing detached stone building of the late eighteenth 
or early nineteenth century that stands against the curtain wall to the north-west of the 
headland at the junction of the inner and outer baileys (Fig. 1 ) . This area was once part of a 
small complex of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century buildings associated with the contem- 
porary military use of the castle. It forms ‘Zone 3’ of the recendy published ‘Scarborough 
Casde and Headland Conservadon Plan’ (Grenville et al. 1999) . A Department of the Envi- 
ronment proposal to erect a new toilet block alongside the Master Gunner’s House (Fig. 9) 
led to these exploratory excavations on the site by Tony Pacitto in 1977. 

The Master Gunner’s House is situated within the third ward of the casde, an area some 
400 square metres to the north of the keep (Fig. 1 ) . There is no evidence to suggest the 
presence of any medieval buildings within the third ward. The 1538 survey notes that ‘Fyrst 
at th’ entre of the thyrde warde is neyther tower ne house but a payre of evyll tymbre arats 
(Colvin 1963). 


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Fig. 9 Plan of Master Gunner’s House and Excavated Areas 

Following the slighung of the casde defences in the Civil War, a series of coastal batteries 
were developed here for the defence of the town and harbour. As part of these works an 
artillery barracks was constructed on the site of the Mosdale Hall in 1746, and at the same 
period a Master Gunner’s House was built near the curtain wall to the north of the keep 
within the third ward. A ‘Gunner’s House’ is shown on maps of 1742 and 1 745 (Grenville et 
al 1999, 55) although this is an earlier building than the present structure. 

No reference has yet been encountered for the building of the surviving Master Gunner’s 
House. In style it is late eighteenth or early nineteenth century, the recent Conservation Plan 
opting for an early nineteenth-century date on the basis of its fenestration and the detail of 
a fanlight above the main doorway. 

The 1861 Ordnance Survey map marks both this surviving building and two further 
structures to the south which were demolished c. 1947 and whose foundations were partially 
uncovered in Trench Two. One of the smaller buildings is inscribed on the map as ‘R1 Inv.d 
Arty Bk.s’. In Schofield’s Guide to Scarborough (1787) he describes the building as having 
been occupied by “a small detachment of the Invalid Royal Artillery”. The garrison in 1787 
consisted of a Master Gunner and four Deputy Gunners, but by 1870 this had been reduced 
to a Master Gunner, a Bombardier and two gunners. The same 1861 map also shows a series 
of steps on the north-east comer of the Master Gunner’s House that led down into a small 
sunken yard to the north. 

The in tendon of the excavadons was to determine if the proposed new buildings would 
result in the archaeological destruction of any medieval building remains, and to see if there 
had ever been a northern continuation of the inner bailey ditch to link up with the north- 
west curtain wall (Fig. 1 ) . The excavations took place in two areas. A smaller trench, 2 m 
wide and approx. 4.6 m long (Trench One) , within the sunken yard to the north of the house, 





SCARBOROUGH CASTLE 


207 


and a parallel series of four trenches (grouped as Trench Two) extending from the south of 
the house to a maximum length of 1 1 .6 m (Fig. 9) . The phasing and the context numbers of 
Trenches One and Two are quite independent of each other. 

Both trenches produced animal bone and small finds, mostly from nineteenth-century or 
later contexts, which, although examined, add nothing to our understanding of the site and 
are not reported on further. Small quantities of pottery were recovered which are discussed 
trench by trench in terms of their significance to our understanding of the earlier phases. 
However, the most important finds group from these excavations at the Master Gunner’s 
House were the clay tobacco pipes which are reported on separately at the end of this 
section, both because they form a substantial report, and also because that report also 
considers the unstratified pipes found within the King’s Hall area of the casde. 

TRENCH ONE 

Excavation 

Phase One (Twentieth-century) 

(Excavated Contexts 1-2, 5-7) 

Trench One (Fig. 9) , 4.6 m long and 2 m wide was opened up abutting the north of the 
Master Gunner’s House on the site of the proposed new toilets. At the time of excavation in 
1977 there still existed a small sunken yard here; the tr uncated remnants of a much larger 
enclosure that had contained the eighteenth-century magazines. Trench One cut across this 
yard and extended some 2.8m beyond, cutting across a stone wall separating the yard from 
the raised, grassed area of the headland. The foundation trench for the stone wall [5] 
contained no datable finds, but the topsoil beyond it [7] contained a number of very recent 
finds including a 1941 three-penny bit and several fragments of early twentieth-century 
‘Cod’ botdes. 

The existing yard surface [ 1 ] between the wall and the Master Gunner’s House comprised 
rather uneven cobbles bedded into a loose, un-cemented grit [2] . Amongst the surface 
debris over these cobbles was a cartridge case stamped 1941 RAL, and, somewhat earlier in 
date, a lead revolver bullet. Excavation beyond the retaining wall [5] showed that this 
cobbled yard had originally extended further east. Below the cobbles lay a rather crude 
brick drain [6], the sides made up of bricks laid on edge and capped with bricks laid 
lengthways. The drain was blocked by an accumulation of dark earth silts. The eastern part 
of this drain was disturbed and cut by a series of vertically placed stone blocks [13], probably 
a precursor to the existing stone wall in attempting to confine the cobbled surface to a yard 
around the east of the Master Gunner’s House. 

Phase Two (Nineteenth-century) 

(Excavated Contexts 3- 4, 8) 

Below the cobbles lay a thin layer of grey-brown earth [3/8] (Fig. 10) , containing small 
fragments of coal, brick, and limestone chips, which may represent an earlier yard surface. 
It, in turn, lay over aim deep deposit of clay and earth levelling material [4] ; this was a sticky, 
light orange-brown clay lying in clasts amidst a dark brown earth. Mixed in were occasional 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


fragments of brick and some limestone blocks. The finds from this levelling material were 
largely nineteenth-century in date, with bottle glass and clay tobacco pipe fragments pre- 
dominating. 

Phase Three (Eighteenth-century) 

(Excavated Context 9) 

Beneath die levelling material lay a buried grey-brown earth layer [9] about 10 cms deep 
spread across the endre trench. It contained coal and charcoal fragments and its upper 
surface contained several small spreads of mortar, especially in die areas closest to the house. 
Amongst the finds from this context were several clay tobacco pipe bowls (below p. 250: 
Appendix la) , fragments of green metalled ‘onion’ bottles and several shards of window 
glass, and, as part of the residual element, a small chalk spindle-whorl. Perhaps this material 
represents the yard levels associated with the use of the Master Gunner’s House and the 
magazines that lay across this yard to the north-east. 

Phase 4 (Seventeenth-century) 

(Excavated Contexts 10-12) 

This buried soil lay over deposits of brown clay that were only partially examined due to 
the increasing depth of excavation. The upper levels of this clay [10] were disturbed, 
pardcularly alongside the Master Gunner’s House, and contained small chips of building 
stone, probably derived from the construction of the building, although excavation did not 
extend deep enough to detect the foundation trenches. Amongst the finds from this layer 
were fragments of two clay tobacco pipe bowls (below p. 250, Appendix la) and two frag- 
ments of delft pottery, all of later seventeenth-century date. Probably also associated with 
the construction of the house was a 7-8 cm thick lens of pinkish mortar [11] set over the 
spread of limestone stones. Bound in with this mortal' was reportedly the remains of a bone- 
handled knife (now missing) . A possible explanation would be that this was a mixing area for 
cement at some stage in the construction of the house. 

The deeper deposits were sampled by a small test pit towards the eastern end of the trench 
which encountered extensive deposits of brown clay with some stone lenses. From the base 
of this trench a borehole was extended, eventually discovering ‘natural’ at about 3.6 m below 
the existing ground surface. The section drawing (Fig. 10) shows two ‘tip lines’ of stone 
fragmentswithin the test pit into [10] implying that [10] represents deliberate fill material 
into a much larger feature; Trench One being therefore located over its southern edge. 

POTTERY FROM TRENCH ONE OF THE MASTER GUNNER’S HOUSE 

Trench One produced seven sherds of pottery, and Trench Two produced eighty sherds, 
much of which proving residual to the contexts from which they came. Nevertheless certain 
sherds were significant, and tie-in with the more substantial contribution from the clay 
tobacco pipes reported on below. 

From Trench One, five sherds came from Phases One to Three, and were all residual save 
for one nineteenth-century sherd. The three Phase Four sherds horn the upper fill of feature 
[10] were more interesting, one was a sixteenth-century local ware, and the other two were 


SCARBOROUGH CASTLE 


209 


s 



Master 

Gunner’s 

House 


Fig. 10 Section, Area 1 Excavations 


sherds from South Netherlands Majolica plates, which would also be appropriate for the 
latter half of the sixteenth century. Combined with the two clay pipe bowl fragments re- 
ported on below which were ascribed a date range of 1660-1690 (Appendix la) these sherds 
suggest a deposition date for [10] in the second half of the sixteenth century. 

DISCUSSION OF TRENCH ONE OF THE MASTER GUNNER’S HOUSE 

This area appeared to have been devoid of buildings and perhaps this was intentionally so. 
The brown clay [10] would seem to have been part of a fill of a very substantial feature. The 
general lack of finds from this material also suggests a relatively quick and deliberate fill. The 
few finds came from the disturbed southern edge of this fill against the Master Gunner’s 
House which could well have been a cutting through for the foundations. These finds belong 
to the second half of the seventeenth century and would conveniently accord with the likely 
construction date for the original house (Grenville etal 1999, 179). 

One of the intentions of the excavations here was to seek any indication that the great 
ditch separating the inner bailey from the rest of the headland had originally extended 
round to meet up with the north-east curtain wall. If the line of the existing ditch is projected 
round it would pass just to the north of the Master Gunner’s House (Fig. 1). It therefore 
seems probable that Trench One encountered the southernmost part of the fill of this ditch 
with clay [ 10] . Furthermore, the available dating evidence, limited though it is, would 
suggest that this part of the ditch had been in-filled before (but probably only shordy before) 
the first Master Gunner’s House was constructed in the late seventeenth century, and that 
the building had thus been deliberately sited on the firmer ground just to the south of the line 
of the ditch. 


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Fig. 1 1 Plan of the Area 2 excavations 


SCARBOROUGH CASTLE 


211 


TRENCH TWO 
EXCAVATION 

Phase One (Modem) 

(Excavated Context 1 ) 

Trench Two consisted of four small parallel trenches separated by narrow baulks which 
formed a combined area 11.6m long and 2 m wide at the south end and 5.28 m wide at the 
north (Fig. 11). The removal of the 15-17 cms of turf and topsoil revealed that the area across 
all four segments had already been considerably disturbed by the laying of a series of elec- 
tricity cables [ 1 ] which had cut through earlier layers. 

Phase Two (Eighteenth to nineteenth centuries) 

(Excavated Contexts 2-7) 

Wherever undisturbed by these cables, there lay the remains of flooring from two build- 
ings that had existed here until their demolition c. 1947. The flooring layer within the 
northern two trench segments was very similar and consisted of a compacted white mixture 
of mortar and limestone [2] . Within the southern two segments, the flooring was different, 
surviving in parts as a rather casually laid area of flagstones [3] , with other rough alignments 
of similar stones extending almost up to the curtain wall itself. 

Traces of the northern and eastern walls of what had been the Royal Invalid Barracks 
survived [4] . They appear fairly flimsy with only one layer of rough limestone blocks surviv- 
ing. This building would have been constructed against the curtain wall to the west, al- 
though its northern wall showed that it was intended to be free-standing from the Master 
Gunner’s House. The east wall showed traces of a possible doorway (5) , while further north 
there was the remains of a brick covered drain [6] leading out from the building. 

Below the flooring [2] of both buildings lay a substantial brown clay layer [8] containing 
apparendy random scatters of limestone blocks. The top of this clay layer had been heavily 
disturbed to the south where the lack of surviving floor layers had led to more extensive 
disturbance with the laying of the electricity cables. This clay layer extended to a depth of 
some 30 cms. It seems best interpreted as a levelling layer prepared for the construcdon of 
these two litde buildings. 

CutUng into this clay was a small arrangement of stone rubble and brick, loosely packed 
with voids between them [7] whose position suggests that it might have been a soak-away top 
to the brick topped drain that passes out of the east wall of the building. 

Phase Three (Medieval) 

(Excavated Contexts 8-9) 

The centre part of this central building, largely concealed by a dividing baulk, contained 
an area of soft earthy material [9] containing deposits of charcoal, stones and brown clay 
clasts, producing a dark grey-black colour; its relationship to the clay layer [8] was unre- 
corded, but it contained two pottery sherds, both of twelfth-century date. If the clay [8] was 
brought here as part of the levelling process, it is also possible that [9] was imported as part 
of the same process. This small deposit is therefore of limited significance. 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 

POTTERY FROM TRENCH TWO OE THE MASTER GUNNERS HOUSE 

Trench Two produced 80 pottery sherds. Twenty-five of these were recovered from Phase 
One, of which only four were residual and 21 of nineteenth-century or later date. The 53 
sherds from Phase Two on the other hand were all residual medieval or early post-medieval 
(twelfth to seventeenth centuries) except for nine sherds of eighteenth-century or later date, 
and mostly came from levelling material [8] which may have been imported onto the site. 
Both sherds from Phase Three [9] were twelfth century; one a sherd from a Staxton Ware 
cooking-pot (Brewster mid Hayfield 1 992) , and the other a splashed glazedjug sherd in local 
Red Gritty Ware (Hayfield 1985). 

DISCUSSION OF TRENCH TWO OF THE MASTER GUNNERS HOUSE 

There were no traces of medieval buildings within this area, although it is possible the 
Phase Three soft earthy material [9] represented a ‘medieval’ deposit. Unfortunately there 
was no way of telling whether this was an in situ deposit or whether it was merely material 
brought in from elsewhere in the casde as part of the levelling process for constructing these 
two small eighteenth-century military buildings. 

CLAYTOBACCO PIPES by Susie White 
Introduction 

This report deals principally with the largely stratified clay tobacco pipes recovered from 
Trench One of the Master Gunner’s House, although other unstratified pipes from the 
King’s Hall, prefixed with either SC, SB or SH are also considered. 

These excavations at Scarborough Castle produced 110 clay tobacco pipe fragments com- 
prising 31 bowls, 70 stems and nine mouthpieces. A total of 38 fragments, 35%, date h orn the 
seventeenth century. There was some eighteenth-century material, but this only accounted 
for 17% of the total assemblage. The majority of fragments, 48%, date from the nineteenth 
century. The clay pipes are summarised in Table 1 . 



Bowls 

Stems 

Mouth pieces 

Total 

Seventeenth Century 

17 

18 

3 

38 (35%) 

Eighteenth century 

2 

18 

0 

20 (18%) 

Nineteenth century 

12 

34 

6 

52 (47%) 

Totals 

31 

70 

9 

110 (100%) 


Table 1. Quantification of clay pipes. 

Methodology and Treatment of the Material 

The pipe fragments from Trench One of the Master Gunner’s House are recorded by both 
phase and context number, whereas the unstratified pipes from the King’s Hall are recorded 
by trench/context (for example ‘SH/EH’) . Each fragment has been individually examined 
and its details logged on an Excel spreadsheet based on the recording system developed at 
the University of Liverpool (Higgins 8c Davey 1994) . Stem-bores have been measured to the 
nearest 64 th of an inch using a ruler. Plaster casts have been made of all the stamped marks 
and entered into the National Clay Tobacco Pipe Stamp Catalogue, which is held by the 


SCARBOROUGH CASTLE 


213 


National Clay Tobacco Pipe Archive (NCTPA) at the University of Liverpool. «Drawings 
of the stamp types, at twice actual, are included in the illustrations below.» 

The bowls have been dated according to local forms as well as styles of mark and decora- 
tion with reference to the following published typologies: York (Lawrence 1979) , Hull 
(Watkins 1979) and London (Atkinson and Oswald 1969) . These typologies place the bowls 
within a twenty to forty year date range. In the case of marked bowls or stems, where the 
maker is known from documentary sources, a more accurate date is sometimes possible. 

An assessment of the likely date of the stem fragments has been given in broad date ranges. 
Stem dates should be used with caution since they are much more general and less reliable 
than the dates that can be determined from bowl fragments or stems marked by known 
makers. 

The Clay Tobacco Pipes 

The overall chronological range of the bowls and stems for each of the contexts from the 
Master Gunner s House excavations is given in the Appendix la and for the King’s Hall in 
Appendix lb. 

In order to give an indication of the chronological distribution of the pipes from the site 
the number of occurrences, per decade, of the dateable pipe bowls and marked stem frag- 
ments for each area, were plotted onto a bar chart (Chart 1 ) . In order to do this each pipe 
fragment was examined and one unit entered for each decade of its likely date range. 

It is clear from the data plotted that the earliest pipes from the excavations were recov- 
ered from the area of the Master Gunner’s House with a peak in the decades 1660 to 1680. 
Activity in this area drops off quite sharply around 1690. The lack of any pipe fragments in 
this area between 1 760 and the beginning of the nineteenth century may be due to two main 
factors. First, the thin bowl walls of most eighteenth-century pipes do not survive well in the 
archaeological record, although if this were the case there should still be a number of eight- 
eenth-century stems present in the assemblage but for this particular area there are very few. 
The second factor maybe due to the popularity of snuff taking in the eighteenth century. 
The number of pipes deposited around the Master Gunner’s House increases again around 
1810 peaking in the 1820s and 1830s before dropping off completely around 1860. 

The chart also shows that activity around the medieval King’s Hall was confined to the 
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and remained constant from around 1820 on- 
wards. Although clay tobacco pipes were produced until the 1960s their deposition in 
archaeological deposits is likely to have faded out during the 1920s and 1930s. It should be 
noted, however, that the finds from the area of the King’s Hall were all unstratified from 
surface clearance in the early stages of the excavation. 

The pipes themselves can be divided into three main chronological groups - the seven- 
teenth and early eighteenth century (c. 1630-1740); the eighteenth century (c. 1700-1770); 
and the late eighteenth to early twentieth century ( c . 1780-1920) . The pipes falling into each 
group are described below. 

i) The seventeenth and early eighteenth century ( c . 1630-1 720) 

Bowls: Of the 31 bowls recovered from the excavations at Scarborough Castle, 17 (55%) 
date from the seventeenth or early eighteenth century and all came from Trench One of the 


214 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


15 




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Chart 1: Showing the chronological distribution of clay tobacco pipes from Scarborough Castle. 

Master Gunner’s House and are listed in Table 2. 

Although clay tobacco pipes were introduced at the end of the sixteenth century it was not 
until the early seventeenth century that they became widely used. The earliest pipe recov- 
ered from the excavations at Scarborough Castle dates from c. 1630-1650 and came from 
Trench One, Phase 3, Context [9] (Fig. 12 no.l). 

Perhaps one of the most interesting finds from this group is a Dutch pipe bowl dating from 
c. 1640-1660 (Fig. 12 no. 3). This bowl, together with the Dutch stems recovered from the 
site (see below) , add to a growing picture of the distribution of Dutch imports from the 
county. The author has compiled a database in which details of over 8000 pipe bowls and 
marked stems from Yorkshire have been logged. Only 105 Dutch pipe fragments from the 
whole of the county have been recorded but, of these, 30% were found in Scarborough. 
What is unclear at this time is why so many Dutch products should be concentrated in 
Scarborough when there were many other ports that would have had access to trade with the 
Low Countries. 

From c. 1630 right through to the early part of the eighteenth century, pipe bowls were 
being deposited and a good corpus of forms is represented (Fig. 12, nos. 2-9, and Fig. 13, nos. 
10-11). A distinctive feature of seventeenth and eighteenth century pipes is a bottered rim. 
This is where the pipe rim has been smoothed and rounded prior to firing or ‘bottered’. The 
term hotter is thought to derive from the Dutch word for button, which was used to describe 
the tool that was used. The button-like tool was placed over the top of the pipe bowl and then 
rotated. This action had the effect of smoothing the rim to give a neater finish to the pipe. 

Another finishing technique that was employed by the seven tee nth-century pipe makers 
was the application of a band of milling around the rim. Milled rims do not appear on the 


Phase Context Date Christian Surname Comments Fig 12 

No. Name initial Initial 


SCARBOROUGH CASTLE 


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216 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


very earliest pipes, ie. c. 1580-1610, but after about 1610 the application of a milled band 
around the top of the bowl was common practice and continued in England until about 
1700. The Dutch manufacturers, however, continued to use milling well in to the nineteenth 
century (Oswald 1975, 19) . The quality of the milling on the seventeenth-century pipes from 
Scarborough is rather poor. Two bowls have no milling at all (Fig. 12, nos. 3 and 9) and all the 
other bowls are only partially milled. 

During the seventeenth and early eighteenth century Yorkshire pipes were occasionally 
burnished; a process carried out once the pipes had been trimmed and prior to firing. The 
surface of the pipe was polished with either a “pencil” of glass or a piece of agate set in a 
wooden handle (Walker 1977, 125) . This process produced very fine lines and, if done well, 
the individual burnish lines are very difficult to see. This was a time consuming part of the 
manufacturing process used for better quality and therefore more expensive pipes. Only 
three bowls of this period (9%) from these excavations were burnished. 

Only one transitional bowl, dating from c. 1 690-1720, was recovered from the excavations 
(Fig. 13, nos. 10) . This forward-leaning bowl is typical of the pipes from the end of the 
seventeenth or early eighteenth century. The Scarborough example was recovered from 
Trench One, Phase Two, [8] of the Master Gunner’s House and appeal s to have a moulded 
dot on die right-hand side of the heel, although it is unclear if this is was deliberate, or a flaw 
in die mould manufacturing process. 

Marked Bowls: The excavations yielded four stamped marks dating from c. 1640-1 740. 
All of the marks appear on the heel of the bowls and comprise a circular mark with two 
inidals. 

SB The excavadons yielded two SB marks, both from the Master Gunner’s House and 
dating from c. 1660-1680. The fu st came from Trench One, Phase One [8] (not illustrated) 
and the second from Phase Three [9] (Fig. 12, no. 7) . The Yorkshire database has details of 
three other SB marks from the county. One was recovered from Whitby and two from sites 
in Scarborough. Although there are no known pipemakers with the initials SB in the 
Scarborough area at this date, the addidon of two further examples from the Casde strongly 
suggests the presence of a previously unrecorded maker in the Scarborough area. 

HH The excavations yielded one HH dating from c. 1660-1690 (Fig. 12, no. 8) from 
Master Gunner’s House, Trench One, Phase Two [8] . The mark, comprises the initials HH 
with a small half-circle above the letters, all within a double-circle border. Seven similar 
marks are known from the county, two from Whitby and five from sites in Scarborough. 
This would strongly suggest the presence of a previously unrecorded maker with the initials 
HH in Scarborough. 

RE: One bowl stamped with a circular RE mark was recovered from the excavations at 
Scarborough. This bowl came from Trench One, Phase Two [4] and dates from c. 1660- 
1690 (Fig. 12, no. 9) . Similar RE marks are well known in the county and 32 have been 
recorded to date, one from York, one from Acaster Malbis to the south of York, one from 
Bridlington, three from Hull and 23 from Beverley. Large quantities of pipes from Hull turn 
up in the fields around Beverley, presumably deposited there with night soil from the nearby 
port. The style of mark and the bowl forms strongly suggest that these pipes represent a 
previously unrecorded maker either from Beverley, or more likely, from Hull. 


SCARBOROUGH CASTLE 


217 


Marked Stems: The excavations at the Master Gunner’s House yielded seven stamped 
stems for the period c. 1 640-1 740 composing four Dutch imports and four from Gateshead, 
details of which are given in Table 3. 

Three of the Dutch stems have roll stamped mark (RS) , that is one that has been applied 
around the stem, this particular design is referred to as “a string of pearls”. One example 
also has a milled stem twist (Fig. 1 3, no. 11). The fourth Dutch stem, also with a milled stem 
twist, has a diamond pattern rather than the “string of pearls” design. All the Gateshead 
stems have marks that have been applied across the stem (SX) . Two can be attributed to the 
maker John Holmes (c. 1675) and two to Henry Holmes (c. 1687-1699) , both members of the 
same family of Gateshead makers (Parsons 1964) . 

ii) Eighteenth century (c. 1700-1770) 

The eighteenth century saw the emergence of bowls with smaller heels with the result that 
marks, which during the seventeenth century had been quite large and had almost always 
been placed on the heel, had to become smaller or were placed elsewhere on the pipe. In 
addition to these changes in the size and placing of the stamped marks the eighteenth 
century also saw the introduction of a new method of marking. This usually consisted of the 
pipemakers initials being moulded in relief on either side of the heel or spur. This had the 
advantage that the pipe was marked as part of the moulding process rather than having to be 
separately stamped as an additional task. 

Only one eighteenth-century bowl was recovered from the excavations at Scarborough 
Casde. This came from Trench One, Phase Two, [3] and dates from c. 1700-1770 (Fig. 13, 
no. 12) . The bowl has moulded initials on the sides of the heel, which appear to read IH. A 
similar bowl was recovered from Kirkgate, Bridlington marked either IH or HH (Eanishaw 
1988, 201 and fig. 14.3.7). Although there are no known makers with either the initials IH 
or HH from Scarborough, eighteenth-century bowls marked HH and IH have previously 
been recorded in the area. This would suggest that there may be a number of makers with an 
H surname, or indeed one family, working in the Scarborough area. 

Roll-stamp marks were another means of marking a pipe that became popular in the 
eighteenth century. This type of mark took the form of a broad border that was applied 
around the entire stem. Roll-stamp marks seem to have been used principally in the north of 
England and fall into quite distinctive regional schools. Chester produced one of the best 
known series of roll-stamp marks. The roll-stamps used by the Chester makers are almost 
entirely decorative with hardly any containing lettering or a maker’s name. Those found in 
Yorkshire and parts of the North-East, however, are usually name marks, which are some- 
times associated with decorative borders. 

A single eighteenth-century roll-stamped stem was recovered from Trench One, Phase 
One [7] (Fig. 13, no. 13). This roll stamp design is very ornate and bears the initials CW. 
Parsons (1964, 246) illustrates an almost identical mark, which he attributes to Caleb Wilson 
of Sunderland. Oswald (1975, 168) notes two makers with the name Caleb Wilson, both 
working in Sunderland. The first was working from c. 1761-1802 and the second, possibly 
a son, from c. 1802-1842. On stylistic grounds the stem from Scarborough Castle dates from 
the late eighteenth century rather than the nineteenth, and is therefore most likely to be a 
product of Caleb Wilson (1) c. 1761-1802. 


Phase Context Date Christian name Surname Other Type Comments Fig. 13 

initial initial 


218 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


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iii) Late eighteenth- to early 
twentieth-century (c. 1780- 
1920) 

Plain bowls: Of the 31 

bowls from the excavations at 
Scarborough Castle only one 
had a plain bowl. This was a 
spurless pipe recovered from 
Trench One, Phase One [3] 
and dates from c. 1850-1910. 

Mould decorated and 
marked bowls and stems: 

The excavations at 
Scarborough Castle pro- 
duced fragments of 1 3 mould- 
decorated bowls and two 
marked stems dating from the 
late eighteenth through to the 
early twentieth century. 

The mould-decorated and 
marked bowls and stems rep- 
resent a wide range of pat- 
terns. Details of each of the 
fragments are given in the 
Tables 4 and 5. The various 
patterns present are dis- 
cussed in alphabetical order. 

Bums Cutty: One exam- 
ple of a stem fragment with 
the moulded lettering 
BURNS CUTTYdating from 
c. 1850-1920+ was recovered 
h orn un stratified contexts on 
the medieval King’s Hall site 
(SH/FO) . There are clear teeth 
marks made by the smoker on 
the broken end of the stem, 
which shows this pipe contin- 
ued to be in use even after it 
had been broken. 

Dublin: Irish style bowls 
and motifs were common in 
the nineteenth century and 
can be found countrywide. 


Phase Context B Date Christian name initial Surname initial Decoration Fig. 13 


SCARBOROUGH CASTLE 


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The particularly large heavy bowl form 
associated with this Irish style was fa- 
voured by navies or other manual work- 
ers (Flood 1976, 19) . Many of the Irish 
style bowls bore marks with an Irish 
theme such as DUBLIN or O’BRIEN in- 
cluding a purely fictitious address, 
MAYO ST. Such marks may well have 
been intended to make the pipes more 
appealing to Irish immigrant workers 
(Taylor and Gault 1979, 292) . 

One example of an Irish style pipe was 
recovered from the medieval King’s Hall 
site (SB/HS) and dates from c. 1860-1920. 
This bowl has moulded milling and the 
lettering DUBLIN stamped on the bowl 
facing the smoker. 

Flutes & swags: Two fragments of 
bowls decorated with flutes and swags 
were recovered from the excavations, 
both from Trench One, Phase Two [8] . 
The first fragment is very small but a 
number of fine flutes and part of the swags 
are clearly visible (not illustrated) . The 
second fragment has the moulded initials 
TH either side of the mould seam on the 
bowl facing the smoker (Fig. 13, no. 16) . 
It is most likely that this was a product of 
the maker Thomas Hopwood who is 
known to have been working in 
Scarborough c. 1823-1840 (Earnshaw 
1988, 201). 

Heart in hand: One example of a 
heart in hand bowl was recovered from 
the medieval hall (SH/ CA) and dates from 
c. 1820-1860 (Fig. 13, no. 19). The design 
comprises the image of a left hand with a 
heart in the palm and this design appears 
on both sides of the bowl. On either side 
of the hand there is a floral or filigree 
design. The bowl also has leaf-decorated 
seams. 

Shield: One example of a bowl with a 
shield motif was recovered from Trench 


Context B S Date Christian name initial Surname initial Other Decoration Fig. 13 

SH/CA 1 1820-1860 Heart in hand 19 

SH/PO 1 1850-1920+ BURN(S) CUTTY 

SB/DI 1 C1851 R H PThistle 16 

SB/HS 1 1 1860-1920 DUBLIN 


220 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


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One, Phase Two [8], and dates from c. 1780-1850 (Fig. 
13, no. 14) . The shield is rather crudely moulded on 
the back of the bowl facing the smoker. It has not 
been possible to identify the shield. Traces of a floral 
decoration, possibly a wreath surrounding the shield, 
can clearly be seen. 

Ship’s anchor: Two fragments with a ship’s an- 
chor were recovered from the excavations. The first 
is very fragmentary but dates from c. 1 820-1 860 and 
was recovered from Trench One, Phase Two [3]. The 
second is a near complete bowl, with leaf-decorated 
seams, also from Phase Two [3] and dates from c. 
1820-1860 (Fig. 13, 17). A finely moulded ship’s an- 
chor appears on both sides of the bowl. The initials 
TH have been moulded on to the sides of the bowl 
either side of the anchor. It seems most likely that 
this is another product of the maker Thomas 
Hopwood who is known to have been working in 
Scarborough c. 1823-1840 (ibid). 

Ship and ?bridge: One fragment with what ap- 
pears to be a ship and bridge design, was recovered 
from the excavations at Scarborough Casde. The frag- 
ment came from Trench One, Phase Two [8] and dates 
from c. 1820-1840 (Fig. 13, no. 18) . On the right-hand 
side of the bowl there are a series of five-pointed stars 
surrounding a central scene. It is not possible to see 
what this scene depicts but it appears to include wa- 
ter. On the left-hand side of the bowl there is a ship, 
which appeal's to be passing either under a bridge, or 
past a tower. Pipes with a similar motif have been 
found in Whitby harbour, Beverley and as far away as 
the River Thames in London (P J Hammond, pers 
comm . ) . 

The ship and Castle are part of the arms of 
Scarborough, and bowls depiedng a ship and Castle 
motif were being made by T Hopwood of Scarborough 
c. 1823-1840 (Earnshaw 1988, 201 and fig. 14.3.10). 
Scarborough pipemakers are also known to have pro- 
duced pipes with the arms of Scarborough on one 
side of the bowl and a depiction of the Spa bridge in 
Scarborough, constructed in 1829, on the other ( ibid, 
fig. 14.3.11). 

Smitheman: A single fragment of an R Smitheman 
stem dating from c. 1881-1920 was recovered from 


SCARBOROUGH CASTLE 


221 


Trench One, Phase One [ 1 ] . There were two makers by the name of Smitheman from 
Broseley, Shropshire, both called Rowland. Rowland Smitheman I was recorded as a pipe 
maker from 1881 until his death in 1903. His son was recorded as a pipe maker from 1903 
until c. 1920. The Smitheman pipeworks were taken over in 1922 by the W Southorn and 
Co., also of Broseley (Higgins 1987, 488-89) . 

Thistle: One example of a thistle design was recovered from the excavations, from the 
King’s Hall site (SB/DI) and dates horn c. 1851 (Fig. 13, no. 16). Although only a fragment of 
this bowl survives it is possible to identify this as originally having a large thisde leaf moulded 
on either side of the bowl. The spur bears the moulded initials RH, which can be attributed 
to an R Hilton who was working in Whitby c. 1851 (Oswald 1975, 200) . A number of 
identical bowls have been recorded in Whitby together with an actual mould, which was 
used to produce pipes of this design, and which is currently housed in the museum at 
Whitby (P Hammond, pers comm.). 

Thorn: One example of a Thorn pipe dating from c. 1870-1 920+ was recovered from the 
King’s Hall site (SH/AB) . This particular design of pipe was common countrywide and 
produced by a number of the nineteenth-century makers. 

Unidentified: Three small fragments of nineteenth-century pipes were also recovered, 
two from Trench One, Phase One [7] and one from the King’s Hall (SH/CA) . All three 
fragments show traces of moulded decoration but not enough of them survives to be able to 
identify the nature of the designs. 

Clay Tobacco Pipes, Summary and Conclusions 

This assemblage adds greatly to our knowledge of the clay tobacco pipe industry in and 
around Scarborough, not only in the seventeenth century but right through to the earlier 
twentieth century. It is clear that most of the pipes recovered from the excavations were of 
local manufacture. The marked pipes from the seventeenth century have identified two 
previously unrecorded makers working either in, or near, Scarborough, and one from Hull. 
There is also ample evidence for coastal trade with the presence of products from Bridlington, 
Whitby, Hull and Gateshead. 

One of the most interesting features of the Scarborough assemblage, however, is the 
presence of Dutch pipes. Current research has shown that there is an unusually high con- 
centration of Dutch imports not just within the Castle, but also from the town in general, 
which cannot presendy be explained. 

The eighteenth century is rather poorly represented here but this may, in part, be due to 
the more fragile nature of pipe bowls from this period. As a result they often broke into dny 
fragments which are difficult to recover with the result that they are frequendy under repre- 
sented in the archaeological record. 

The nineteenth century and early twentieth century is well represented with a range of 
decoradve motifs present. Although there was some regional variation in the patterns and 
bowl forms used during this period, many designs are found countrywide. Eamshaw’s work 
at Bridlington (1988) shows a range of patterns that were being produced by makers in 
Bridlington, Whitby and Scarborough which although broadly similar, differ in individual 
detail. Documentary evidence shows that there were a number of pipemakers working in 
Scarborough in the nineteenth century, and families such as the Hopwoods continued mak- 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


mg pipes right through to c. 1877 (Hammond 1994, 25) . Although more research is needed 
to properly identify the nineteenth-century pipe makers and their products from Scarborough, 
these pipes make a valuable contribution towards this study. 


Illustrated Clay Pipes 
Figure 12 

1 Heel bowl from Trench One, Phase 3, [9] dating from c. 1630-1650; not burnished; rim 
internally trimmed and bottered, half milled; stem bore 7/64”. 

2 Heel bowl from Trench One, Phase Two [3] dating from c. 1640-1660; not burnished, rim 
internally trimmed and bottered; milled on all surviving rim; stem bore 7/64”. 

3 Heel bowl from Trench One, Phase Two [8] dating from c. 1640-1660; not burnished; rim 
bottered but not milled although a grove is visible; stem bore 7 / 64”. Possibly Dutch 

4 Heel bowl from Trench One, Phase Two [4] dating from c. 1650-1670; average burnish; 
rim internally uimmed and bottered; milled on all surviving rim; stem bore 6/64”. 

5 Heel bowl from Trench One, Phase Two [4] dating from c. 1660-1690; not burnished; rim 
bottered and half milled; stem bore 7 / 64”. 

6 Heel bowl from Trench One, Phase Two [4] dating from c. 1660-1690; not burnished; rim 
bottered and half milled; stem bore 6/ 64”. 

7 Twojoining heel bowl fragments from Trench One, Phase Two [8] dating from c. 1660- 
1680; shiny surface but not burnished; no rim surviving; stem bore 7/64”. Heel stamped 
with an SB mark most likely to represent a previously unrecorded maker from the Scarborough 
area. The stamp detail is a composite drawing made up using other identical examples from 
the same die in the National Clay Tobacco Pipe Stamp Catalogue (NCTPSC) . 

8 Heel bowl from Trench One, Phase Two [8] dating from c. 1660-1690; average burnish; 
rim bottered and half milled; stem bore 6/ 64”. Heel stamped with an HH most likely to 
represent a previously unrecorded maker from the Scarborough area. The stamp detail is a 
composite drawing made up using other identical examples from the same die in the NCTPSC. 

9 Heel bowl from Trench One, Phase Two [4] dating from c. 1660-1690; good burnish; rim 
bottered but not milled; stem bore 7/64”. Heel stamped with an RE mark, most likely to 
represent a previously unrecorded maker from Hull. The stamp detail is a composite draw- 
ing made up using other identical examples from the same die in the NCTPSC. 

Figure 1 3 

10 Transitional heel bowl from Trench One, Phase Two [4] dating from c. 1690-1720; not 
burnished; no surviving rim; stem bore 5/ 64”. Possibly with a moulded dot on the right-hand 
side of the heel. 

1 1 Dutch stem fragment from Trench One, Phase Two [8] dating from c. 1690-1740; stem 
bore 6/64”. Decorated with a string of pearls design and a stem twist. 

12 Heel bowl from Trench One, Phase Two [3] dating from c. 1700-1770; not burnished; rim 


SCARBOROUGH CASTLE 


223 



Fig. 12 Illustrated Clay Pipes 

All bowl forms have been illustrated at 1:1 with the stamp details at 2:1. 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 



Fig. 13 Illustrated Clay Pipes 

All bowl forms have been illustrated at 1:1 with the stamp details at 2:1. 


SCARBOROUGH CASTLE 


225 


bottered but not milled; stem bore 5/64”. The moulded initials IH or TH appear on the sides 
of the heel. 

13 Stem ffagmentfrom Trench One, Phase One [7] datingfrom c. 1760-1800; stem bore 5/ 
64”. Stamped with a roll-stamp mark attributed to Caleb Wilson ( 1 ) of Sunderland 1 761- 
1802. 

14 Bowl fragment horn Trench One, Phase Two [8] dating from c. 1780-1850. Part of a bowl 
with a moulded shield motif on the bowl facing the smoker; traces of flutes or a wreath of 
some kind clearly visible. 

15 Bowl fragment from Trench One, Phase Two [8] dating from c. 1820-1860. Part of a 
fluted bowl with swags and moulded initials TH on the bowl facing the smoker; possibly T 
Hopwood working in Scarborough c. 1823-1840. 

16 Unstratified bowl fragment from the King’s Hall datingfrom c. 1851; stem bore 4/ 64”. 
Spur fragment of mould decorated bowl with the initials ?RH moulded on the sides of the 
spur; Oswald (1975, 200) lists an R Hilton working in Whitby in or around 1851 who 
probably made this pipe. 

17 Bowl from Trench One, Phase Two [3] datingfrom c. 1820-1860; cut rim; stem bore 4/ 
64”. The bowl has a a ship’s anchor motif on both sides of the bowl; leaf decorated seams; 
moulded initials TH on the bowl sides; probably a product of Thomas Hopwood of 
Scarborough working c. 1823-1840. 

18 Bowl from Trench One, Phase Two [8] datingfrom c. 1820-1840; stem bore 4/ 64”. This 
bowl has Ship & Pbridge / tower. The ship and castle are part of the arms of Scarborough. 
Bowls with a similar design have been atu ibuted to T Hopwood of Scarborough, working c. 
1823-1840. 

19 Unstratified bowl from the King’s Hall dating from c. 1820-1860; cut rim; stem bore 5/ 
64”. Heart in hand mould decorated bowl with leaf decorated seams. 

The columns give the total number of bowls (B) , stems (S) and mouthpieces (M) for each 
context. The stem bores recorded range from 8/ 64” to 3/ 64” and the number of measured 
fragments for each is given in the respective columns headed 8 to 3. Any unmeasureable 
fragment is noted in the column headed U. The date range shown in the final column 
represents the extremes of the ranges of all the dateable fragments for a given context. 
General date ranges that are expressed in the form of 17 th C, 18 lh C or 19 th C refer to 
fragments, usually plain stems, which cannot be dated more precisely. 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


APPENDIX la- Context Summary of Clay Pipes from the Master Gunner’s House (all Trench 

One) 


Phase 

Context 

B 

S 

M 

8 

7 

6 

5 

4 

3 

U 

Date 

Range 

2 

3 

3 

5 



4 


2 

1 

1 


1 640-1 9th C 

2 

3 


1 

2 


1 

1 

1 




1630-19th C 

2 

3 

1 






1 




1700-1770 

2 

3 

1 









1 

1820-1860 

2 

4 

1 





1 





1650-1670 

2 

4 

1 

1 



1 


1 




1687-1699 

2 

4 


2 

1 

1 

1 


1 




1630-18* C 

2 

4 

2 





1 




1 

1660-1690 

2 

4 


1 





1 




1690-1740 

2 

4 

1 




1 






1660-1690 

2 

8 

1 









1 

1780-1850 

2 

8 

7 

3 

3 


4 

2 

2 

3 


2 

1640-1920+ 

2 

8 

1 

1 



2 






1660-1680 

3 

9 

3 

1 


1 

1 

1 

1 




1630-1740 

4 

10 

2 



1 

1 






1660-1690 

1 

7 

2 

1 





3 




19th C 


Totals: 

26 

16 

6 

3 

16 

6 

13 

4 

1 

5 



SCARBOROUGH CASTLE 


227 


APPENDIX lb- Context Summary of Clay Pipes King’s Hall (all unstratified) 


Ctxt B S 

M 

8 7 

6 

5 

4 

3 

Date Range 

SB/DI 1 

1 

1 



1 

2 


18*0-1851 

SB/GF 

1 





1 


1881-1920 

SB/DL 

3 




1 

2 


18* /19 th C 

SB/EI 

2 





2 


18* /19* C 

SB/BS 

1 





1 


i8*/i9*c 

SB/GH 

1 


1 





17* C 

SB/HS 1 

1 





2 


1860-1920 

SB/DQ 

1 




1 



19th C 

SB/HU 

3 

1 



4 



18* 01920+ 

WAU 

1 




1 



18* C 

SB/GI 

2 




2 



17*/18*C 

SB/IN 

1 





1 


19* C 

SB/HV 

1 




1 



17*/18*C 

SH/BF 

1 





1 


18* /19* C 

SH/BA 

1 




1 



18* /19* C 

SH/CA 1 

3 



1 

1 

2 


18* C-1860 

SH/HN 

2 




2 



18*/19* C 

SH/AB 1 

4 



1 

4 



18* 01920+ 

SH/AD 

6 



2 

2 

2 


18* /19* C 

SH/AN 

2 




1 

1 


18* /19* C 

SH/DY 

2 




2 



18* /19* C 

SH/EE 

1 





1 


19* C 

SH/FH 

1 





1 


19* C 

SH/FH 

1 




1 



18*/19*C 

SH/g 

1 




1 



18* C 

SH/FO 

3 



1 

1 

1 


18* 01920+ 

SH/GD 

1 



1 




18* C 

Unmarked 


1 



1 



18* C 

SH/BX 

1 





1 


18* C 

SH/EC 

3 


1 


1 

1 


17* -18* C 

SH/JF 

1 




1 



18* C 

SC/AD 1 






1 

1850-1910 

Totals: 5 

; 54 

2 

2 0 

7 

29 

22 

1 



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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


CONCLUSIONS 

Both the Barbican trench and the Master Gunner’s House trenches represent relatively 
small-scale excavations, but each has made a significant contribution to our understanding 
of die development of Scarbo rough Casde. 

The discovery of the remains of the early gatehouse foundations within the Barbican was 
quite unexpected but helps explain die alignment of the existing barbican walls at this point. 
It appears to have been a substantial structure with at least one upper floor that was in use 
by the thirteenth or fourteenth century and was probably not demolished until the sixteenth 
century. Suggestions have been made earlier as to its possible identification within the 
documentary record as being the new tower ‘before the castle gate’ referred to as being 
under construction in 1243-1245. 

Trench One of the Master Gunner’s House revealed the upper fill of a substantial feature 
which is probably the westernmost extension of the inner bailey ditch across to the curtain 
wall. It would appear to have been infilled in the seventeenth century, probably to facilitate 
the military garrisoning of the Casde that was to last until the late nineteenth century. 

The importance of the clay tobacco pipes from the Master Gunner’s House, and also the 
Kings Hall site, has been recognised and placed within a heightened understanding of the 
development of these pipes both within Scarborough and within the surrounding region. 

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 

This report was originally commissioned by the late Jim Lang and given fresh financial impetus 
by Sarah Jennings of English Heritage whilst the project was latterly overseen by Dr Pete Wilson. 
Most of the illustrations were prepared by Simon Hayfield. Susie White kindly prepared the clay- 
pipe report and the associated illustrations. We are also grateful to Peter Hammond for his help with 
the identification of the Hilton and Hopwood clay pipes and to Dr David Higgins for his construc- 
tive comments on the draft clay-pipe report. Dr Glyn Coppack has been kind enough to comment 
on this text at various stages of its preparation. 

It is a sadness that Tony Pacitto did not live to see the publication of his excavations here in 
Scarborough, and to see recognised the contribution that he has made to our understanding of one 
England’s most important and impressive castle sites. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Atkinson, D., and Oswald, A., 1969. ‘London clay tobacco pipes’ Journal Archaeological 
Association 3 rd ser, 32, 171-227 

Brewster, T.C.M., and Hayfield, C., 1992. ‘The Medieval Pottery Industries at Potter Brompton 
andStaxton, East Yorkshire’, YAJ, 64, 49-82 

Colvin, H., (ed.), 1963. The History of the Kings Works, 3 vols. (London, HMSO) 

Davey, P., (ed.) 1979. The Archaeology of the Clay Tobacco Pipe, I, British Archaeological 
Reports, British Series 63, Oxford 

Earnshaw,J. R., 1988. ‘Clay tobacco pipes from Bridlington’, in T. G. Man by (ed.) , Archae- 
ology in Eastern Yorkshire: essays in honour ofT. C. M. Brewster, Department of Archaeol- 


SCARBOROUGH CASTLE 


229 


ogy and Prehistory, University of Sheffield, 197-202 

Flood, R. J., 1976, Clay tobacco pipes in Cambridgeshire, The Oleander Press, Cambridge, 
52pp 

Grenville, J., Clark, J, and Giles, K., 1999. Scarborough Castle and Headland Conservation 
Plan (Prepared on behalf of English Heritage by the Dept, of Archaeology, University of 
York) 

Hammond, P, 1994 ‘Joseph L Hopwood and family’, Society for Clay Pipe Research News- 
letter, 41, 25 

Hayfield, C., 1985. Medieval Pottery from the Humberside Region, British Archaeological 
Reports (British Series), 140i and 140ii 

, and Paccitto, T., 2005. ‘Excavation of the Great Hall or ‘Kyngeshalle’ at Scarborough 

Casde, North Yorkshire’, by Colin Hayfield and the late Tony Pacitto, with contributions by 
G. CoppackandJ. Weinstock, YAJ, 77, 31-92 

Higgins, D. A., 1987. The interpretation and regional study of clay tobacco pipes: a case 
study of the Broseley District, Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Liverpool 

, and Davey, P. J., 1994. Draft guidelines for using the clay tobacco pipe record sheets, 

unpublished manuscript held by the National Clay Tobacco Pipe Archive, University of 
Liverpool, 22pp 

Hurst, J. G., Neal, D. S., and Van Beuningen, H.J. E., 1986. Rotterdam Papers VI, Pottery 
Produced and Traded in North-West Europe 1350 - 1650, Rotterdam 

Lawrence, S., 1979. ‘York pipes and their makers’, in Davey (1979), 67-84 

Oswald, A., 1975. Clay pipes for the archaeologist, British Archaeological Reports, British 
Series 14, Oxford. 

Parsons, J.E., 1964. ‘The archaeology of the clay tobacco pipe in North-East England’, 
Archaeologia Aeliana, 4 lh ser, 42, 231-54 

Phillpotts, C., 1997. ‘Scarborough Casde, Yorkshire: documentary research report from the 
PRO and Bridsh Library’, (Department of Archaeology, University of Notdngham) 

Rowntree, A., 1931. The History of Scarborough, London, Dent 

Taylor, S., and Gault, W. R., 1979. ‘Late nineteenth century clay tobacco pipes from War- 
wick’ in Davey (1979), 279-93 

Victoria County History, 1923. A History of Yorkshire: North Riding, Vol. 2, London 

Walker, I.C., 1977. ‘Clay tobacco pipes, with particular reference to the Bristol industry’, 
History and Archaeology, 4 volumes, Parks Canada 

Watkins, G., 1979. ‘Hull pipes -a typology’, in Davey (1979), 85-121 

This paper is published with the aid of a grant from English Heritage who also funded the 
production of the report. 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


Yorkshire Archaeological Journal 79, 2007 


231 


EXCAVATIONS AT THE GARDENS, SPROTBROUGH, 

SOUTH YORKSHIRE 


By Chris Fenton-Thomas with contributions from Alan Vince, Kate Steane, 
Sandra Garside-Neviile, Cecily Spall, Graham Bruce, Jane Cowgill, John 
Carrott, Deborah Jaques, Allan Hall, Harry Kenward, Kathryn Johnson and 

Tania Kausmally. 


Sprotbrough is well known for its former stately home and landscape park and these 
excavations were less than lkm away from the house demolished in 1926. The 
archaeological work, carried out by On-Site Archaeology, identified occupation stretching 
from the late Iron Age through to the late seventeenth century but very little from the 
eighteenth and nineteenth century designed landscape. The discoveries of artefacts from 
the Anglo-Saxon and Anglo-Scandinavian periods confirmed that there was a high status 
settlement close to the church in the centuries before the Norman Conquest. This period is 
poorly understood in the region and this is one of the rare discoveries of its kind in South 
Yorkshire. A stone building was built here in the mid-late twelfth century but it only lasted 
until the early part of the thirteenth. It was a high status structure with tiled roof and 
probably contained an internal well. The final phase of occupation took place during the 
seventeenth century and consisted of light industrial activity. There were two stone troughs 
fed by lead pipes and a stone culvert, as well as two large-scale ovens or furnaces. Elsewhere 
on the site, there were cobbled surfaces and small-scale structures from this period. One of 
these surfaces included a stone socket that was a re-used medieval cross shaft base. It may 
originally have held a standing stone cross in the centre of the village. The light industrial 
phase came to a sudden end in about 1680 and only a few years later about 1685, the 
land-use altered again with the construction of the hall and park. The watching brief and 
evaluation identified garden features associated with the park including an ornamental 
canal, walls and planting pits. 


BACKGROUND 

SITE HISTORY: SPROTBROUGH VILLAGE AND SPROTBROUGH HALL 

The village of Sprotbrough lies 2 km to the west of Doncaster, alongside the River Don, 
immediately north of Sprotbrough Bridge. The excavations were associated with residential 
development in the centre of the village and were located immediately south of the parish 
church of St. Mary the Virgin (Fig. 1-2). The site was formerly within the grounds of 
Sprotbrough Hall, which lay to the east before it was demolished in 1926 (Pevsner 1959, 489; 
Klemperer 2003). The early history of the village is poorly understood but there are 
suggestions that it may have originated in the Anglo-Saxon period. The place-name contains 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 



* C ul . ' 

5r<*' , T.'\ 7'.'v 


Fig. l.The 1892 Ordnance Survey map showing the area of excavation (shaded in grey), the 1750 
stables, the church and the site of the village cross. 


the Old English element burh denoting a possible defensive site from this date (Smith 1961, 
64; Buckland 1989) and the church may have some pre-Conquest architectural stone 
incorporated into its medieval fabric (Magilton 1977, 65). 

Sprotbrough Hall was constructed around 1685 and the extensive parks and gardens were 
laid out during the late seventeenth century and throughout the early part of the eighteenth 
(Klemperer 2003). The work was commissioned by Godfrey Copley whose family had held 
the manor from the sixteenth century. An engraving dating from around 1709 shows the 
extent of the park and suggests that the site of the excavations lay beneath a group of 
buildings associated with the stables at that time (Fig. 3). The stable block was re-built in 
1750 and is still extant. Its western range lay immediately to the east of the excavation site 
(Fig. 1-2; 20). This building was renovated as part of the development but its fabric and 
character were first recorded (MAP Archaeological Consultancy 2002). The building had 
three ranges in a U-shape plan and was predominantly single storey. In the centre of the 


SPROTBROUGH 


233 



northern range there was a carriage entrance under a formal pediment (Fig. 20) (Wools 2000, 
2). Having served as a stable block it was converted into workers’ cottages during the 
nineteenth century (Wools 2000; MAP 2002). 

During the eighteenth and nineteenth century the excavation site formed part of the 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 



kitchen gardens belonging to Sprotbrough Hall. Various maps (ie Fig. 1 (OS 1892 25 inch 
map) and OS 1854 6 inch map) record the presence of greenhouses and outbuildings of 
unknown function on and around the site. In recent decades the site was part of a scrap- 
yard with some areas retained as gardens (Fig. 2). 

The site lay on the border between Lower and Upper Magnesian Limestone and is close to 
outcrops of Middle Permian Marl. There was boulder clay overlying these solid deposits 
across much of the site (Wray 1936). 


Fig. 3. The 1709 engraving of Sprotbrough Hall and park showing the early stables (pre 1750), the ornamental 
canal, a wall found during watching brief and the site of the excavations. Looking east. 



SPROTBROUGH 


235 


Phase 

Period 

Nature of occupation 

Principal finds 

1 

Pre 8th century AD 

Small-scale buildings and pits 

Cu alloy object 

2 

8' h to 1 1 th century 

Off site occtipation 

Pottery and metalwork 

3 

Mid 12 th to early 13 th century 

Stone building and well, part of manorial complex Pottery, CBM 

4 

Late 14 lh to 15 th century 

Small-scale building work and culvert 

Pottery 

5 

Mid to late 17 th century 

Tawing, lime burning, malting, dyeing (?) 

Pottery, glass, clay pipes 

6 

18 th to 19 th century 

Hardstanding open yard beside stables 

Residual pottery and glass from 

7 

19 lh to 20 th century 

Kitchen gardens for Sprotbrough Hall 

Flowerpots, glass, CBM 


Table 1. The phasing sequence of the site. 


THE EXCAVATIONS 

Field evaluation took place across the development area in 2001 (On-Site Archaeology 
(OS A) 2001). The trial trenching identified the early eighteenth century ornamental canal 
and a range of garden features associated with the eighteenth and nineteenth century 
landscape park. The southern part of the site produced a linear ditch containing two sherds 
of Anglo-Scandinavian Torksey Ware, one of the very rare occurrences of this type of 
pottery in the region (Cumberpatch in OSA 2001). Trench 9 in the northern part of the site 
contained a stone-lined well which produced late medieval pottery and it was here that the 
subsequent excavations were targeted (Fig. 2). The excavations took place in three phases 
(Areas 1-3) between July 2001 and January 2002 (Fig. 2). They revealed a long history of 
occupation beginning before the Norman Conquest and extending in distinct phases 
throughout the medieval and post-medieval eras (Table 1; Fig. 4). The overall excavation 
covered an area of 520 square metres. A watching brief was also carried out across much of 
the development area and this revealed various garden features associated with the 
eighteenth to nineteenth century landscape park (OSA 2006). 

SITE NARRATIVE 

The site saw a long history of occupation. The analysis of pottery and other artefacts has 
shown that it was occupied before the Norman Conquest with some significant high status 
finds from the late Saxon and Anglo-Scandinavian periods. The sequence has been divided 
into seven phases of occupation (Table 1). The main periods of activity were phase three 
(mid twelfth to early thirteenth century) and phase five (mid to late seventeenth century). 
For these two periods, there was direct evidence for structures and occupation. For other 
periods, such as the eighth to eleventh centuries (phase two), the evidence was less clear- 
cut and suggests that the main focus of occupation lay elsewhere, but close by, at these 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 



times. The phase two deposits belonged to an extensive buried soil that was spread across 
the site and was truncated by the mid twelfth century building. This deposit sealed a range 
of cut features which all belong to phase one. It is not easy to date the phase one features 
although they cannot be later than the eleventh century. The presence of horticultural 
structures from the nineteenth and early twentieth century meant that many earlier features 
were truncated by the later foundations. 


SPROTBROUGH 


237 


Phase One (Undated but earlier than the eighth century AD) 

Residual finds of Roman pottery, CBM and slags normally thought to date to the late Iron 
Age show that there was occupation close to the site from at least as early as the first 
century BC. 

The densest concentration of phase one features was found in the western side of the site 
in area two. Here a possible small post-built structure (Fig. 5; group 12) along with a possible 
fence-line (group 14) and ephemeral traces of other possible buildings defined by gullies 
(group 15) were present. The group 12 structure was defined by post-holes. It would have 
been just over 4m long and 2.7m wide and was aligned along a north-west to south-east 
orientation. The long sides of the possible structure appear to have been bowed whilst the 
northwestern end was straight and wider than its counterpart to the south-east. There were 
a number of post-holes within the interior (group 1 2a) and they probably reflect subdivisions 
or small structures inside the building. There was a double row of post-holes leading to its 
southeastern entrance. This probably represents a fence-line (group 14), as the gap between 
the opposed postholes was too small for it to have been a passage. 

To the south of the fence-line were four linear gullies (group 15), which were hard to 
interpret, as they were only partially visible. The two curvilinear ones may have been formed 
as drip gullies surrounding successive post built buildings. The remaining two appear to 
delimit a rectangular zone that extended beyond the western and northern edges of 
excavation. This could correspond to a rectangular building constructed with beam-slots. 
However, given the small amount of evidence a conclusive interpretation cannot be reached. 

Two groups of pits (groups 13 and 16) were also found in area two and most appeared to 
be later than the possible buildings mentioned above. Some of the pits had fills containing 
fragments of charcoal and mortar as well as lumps of pink clay. In the centre of area one were 
two further groups of features also assigned to this phase. Group 1 consisted of five pits, 
three post-holes and a linear gully all sealed by the medieval building in phase three. One of 
these features produced a fragment of a cast copper alloy object (IRF1), which was one of 
the very few finds from this phase (Fig. 29). 

This phase of occupation is very difficult to date as none of its features produced datable 
artefacts. The pits, post-holes and gullies were sealed by a buried soil that was laid down 
between the eighth and eleventh centuries AD. Some of the features within this phase 
contained fills that were similar to the buried soil and so may have been open when it began 
to accumulate. As Alan Vince has commented in his pottery report (see below) it is likely that 
the occupation at this time was aceramic. The earliest post Roman pottery on the site dated 
from the ninth or tenth century. The evidence for occupation in phase one includes at least 
two possible buildings. These were ephemeral and small structures and are unlikely to 
reflect domestic residences. The lack of finds would support their use as agricultural or 
storage sheds and buildings such as these are likely to have been situated at the edge of any 
occupied area. 

Phase Two (The late Saxon and Anglo-Scandinavian period: eighth to eleventh century AD) 

Phase two consists entirely of the buried soil that sealed many of the phase one features. 
In area one, these deposits all lay beneath the phase three building on its northern side. 
They were between 0.2m and 0.5m thick and contained a high organic component as evident 


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in the greenish tinge and slimy feel of the material. The context (4006) was a buried soil and 
produced two coins dating from the eighth to ninth century AD (Fig. 34). This adds to the 
earlier findings of Torksey ware (tenth to eleventh century AD) in the evaluation and supports 
the pre-Conquest importance of the site. The buried soil may reflect midden waste mixed 
with soil as would be expected from a well-manured garden soil or small plot cultivation 
close to a settlement. It represents a period when residential activity was taking place near 
the site and the presence of the two coins indicates that this was associated with wealthy or 
high status individuals and/or groups. A polyhedral dress pin of seventh to ninth century 
date was found in a later phase three context but was probably initially deposited within this 
buried soil horizon or dump (Fig. 30). 


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Phase Three (Medieval period: mid twelfth to early thirteenth century) 

The Building and well 

The excavations revealed the foundations of a building that was constructed probably 
around the middle or end of the twelfth century (Fig. 7-8). It appears to have been used for 
no more than fifty or sixty years until it was demolished around the beginning of the thirteenth 
century. The dating of the building rests on the pottery sherds found in association with its 
construction, modification and abandonment. The building itself was roughly square in 
plan measuring 8 .04m by 8 .2m internally and 9.6 1 m by 9.9m externally. 

The building (group 3) consisted of a series of wall foundations, standing in most places 


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to two courses (Fig. 8). The walls were set within linear construction cuts. The lengths of 
walling were preserved quite well, especially in the southwestern comer of the building 
where a series of demolition dumps and abandonment layers (group 26) had overlain the 
base of the foundation wall. The southeastern corner had been damaged by later disturbance 
and the northwestern corner had been damaged by a recent geotechnical test pit (Fig. 4). A 
modem greenhouse had removed a large amount of the wall foundations in the centre of the 
building. The surviving stretches of wall were coursed and made up of undressed blocks of 
limestone. In some places, there were traces of lime mortar between the blocks. The wall 
(2138) in the southwestern corner had survived to a greater height than elsewhere. 

A series of floor deposits, of both earth and plaster, overlay the walls in the southern half 
of the building. The building appears to have been partitioned internally along a north- 
south axis as the floor deposits were different to either side of a later robber trench [2119]. 
This trench ran north to south and divided the internal area of the building into two unequal 
halves. To the west, the floor deposit was rich in lime mortar (2086) (Fig. 8) and was underpinned 
by a foundation layer. To the east of the robber trench the floor was of earth (2100) (Fig. 7). 



Fig. 7. The medieval building from phase three showing floor deposits and group 5 features in 
south-west corner. The robber trench [2119] may represent a former pathway leading to the well. 



picture in front of the metal railings. Scale is 2m. 




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The robber trench might indicate that there was once a wall foundation here. However, it is 
possible that this trench marked the line of a flagged pathway leading to the well. No traces 
of the floors had survived in the northern side of the building. 

Stratigraphically, the building was later than the phase two buried soil and its dating is 
well understood from the pottery sequence. A small amount of pottery came from deposits 
associated with the construction of the building but a large number of sherds were found 
within demolition or abandonment layers. A number of post-holes and pits were dug into the 
floor deposits (2086) and (2100) and these may represent a re-building or modification (group 
5) (Fig. 7). The pottery from these features tended to be slightly later than the sherds 
associated with the construction indicating that this phase belongs in the late twelfth or 
early thirteenth century. The group 5 features were overlain by a series of demolition deposits 
(group 26). A substantial amount of medieval roof tile was found in these dumps suggesting 
that it had possessed a tiled roof. 

In the northern part of the building was a stone-lined well (2026) with flagged pathway 
(Fig. 7-8). The well was first identified in the evaluation (OSA 2001) when late medieval 
pottery was recovered from its backfill. The backfill was hand excavated to a depth of 1 .5m 
reflecting the maximum depth affected by the groundworks. The lower sections of the well 
were left in situ. Its stone lining had been finely constructed within a circular construction 
cut with a diameter of 2. 12m. The blocks were of limestone and had been dressed and then 
built to regular courses. Some of the stones had been worked to form a curving internal face 
although the interior shape of the stone-lmed well was not truly circular in plan. The well 
was in a good state of preservation and had been buried in deposits probably laid down 
during the eighteenth or nineteenth centuries. At water level on the southern side of the well 
was a stone step extending to the south, which was connected to a short flagged pathway 
giving access to the well. A large single limestone block had been placed above this path 
resting on the top of the well structure. 

The date of the well was not immediately obvious but it seems likely that it was part of the 
medieval building. There was late medieval pottery in the backfill but this could have been 
deposited long after the well had started to silt up. The large size of these sherds suggests 
that the vessel was deposited here soon after it was broken in the fourteenth or fifteenth 
century. The well could easily have gradually filled up following the demise of the building 
from the early thirteenth century onwards. This would mean that its upper layers of backfill 
were deposited two hundred years later when the late medieval pottery was thrown in. 

MEDIEVAL OCCUPATION AROUND THE BUILDING 

Apart from the building there were a small number of pits and a large ditch that could be 
dated to this period but they have given few clues as to the nature of occupation on the site 
(Fig. 6). The large ditch (group 11) was used as a culvert and the remains of the stone 
channel (Fig. 9-10) were preserved in its base at one location (3086). The culvert was 
constructed in the re-cut [3218] of a ditch [3081] but it was not clear in which direction the 
water may have flowed. On the whole, the fills of the ditch contained sherds of medieval 
pottery of the same date as that found with the building. A small number of later medieval 
sherds were found in the upper fills suggesting that the ditches did not completely fill up for 
a couple of centuries once the building had been demolished. 


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The two large pits (group 28) were found to the south and west of the ditch and seem to 
reflect the use of this area for craft-working of some kind (Fig. 6). Pit [3 1 24] had been used as 
a hearth and was associated with cindery slags indicating that the fire it contained had 
burned to a high temperature. There is not enough evidence though to determine the precise 
function of this pit hearth. 

In the northwestern comer of the site there were a number of features (group 29) probably 
associated with constmction work as they contained limestone rubble, mortar, patches of 
clay and charcoal (Fig. 6). Some of these were associated with a small amount of twelfth and 
thirteenth century pottery and they are likely to reflect building work associated with the 
twelfth century building. 

Two pits (group 27) were earlier than the building but appear to belong with the same 
general phase of activity. One of the pits [2136] was found beneath the floor layer (2100) of 
the twelfth century building. The pit had been deliberately backfilled with a succession of 
deposits and all the fills contained large amounts of animal bone. The pit produced a single 
sherd of later twelfth century pottery, suggesting that it was dug and filled around the same 
time as the constmction of the building in the mid to late twelfth century. The other pit in this 
group had been used as cess-pit [2212] and was located beneath the northeastern comer of 
the building (Fig. 6). The pit was roughly square in plan with near vertical sides and a flat 
bottom. Both fills were rich in waterlogged organic material and analysis of the soil sample 
taken from the upper fill (22 11) has shown that the deposit contained human faecal material. 
The biological remains included fruit stones, fish bones and eggs from an intestinal parasite 
suggesting that the pit had been used as a cess-pit. The pottery consisted of four sherds of 
twelfth to thirteenth century date and one residual sherd of Torksey ware. As with pit [2136] 
this feature was probably dug and filled not long before the constmction of the building. 

Phase Four (Late medieval period: later fourteenth to fifteenth century) 

The lack of pottery from the later thirteenth and earlier fourteenth centuries suggested 
that there was little significant activity on the site during this time. The pottery analysis 
identified another period of activity during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries although 
much of this material was residual in later contexts (Fig. 1 1). A short length of stone-lined 
culvert [2147] may have acted as a drain, channelling water down the slope from north to 
south. Late medieval pottery came from the fill of this feature. Other features in area three 
that contained late medieval pottery may have been related to building work as they also 
produced limestone mbble and fragments of mortar. Two late medieval or early post medieval 
metal objects were found with phase five contexts but may be residual. The fragments of a 
cauldron and a chafing dish (Fig. 32-33) suggest that high status occupation lay close by in 
the late medieval or early post medieval period. This is best explained by the nearby presence 
of the manor house, known from documentary records from the sixteenth century (see 
below). 

Phase Five (Post Medieval Period: mid to late seventeenth century) 

After the fifteenth century, there was a lengthy period when the site was not intensively 
occupied. In the middle of the seventeenth century, the land-use of the site was altered 
significantly. Phase five represents a period of small-scale industrial activity in three parts of 


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Fig. 9. Plan and sections of ditch [3081 ] and culvert (3086) . See Fig. 6 for general location of 
ditch (group 11). 


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Fig. 10. The culvert 3086, looking east. Scales are 2m and 0.2m. 

the site (Fig. 1 2). A large assemblage of pottery and other artefacts came from the phase five 
deposits. Some of this material was closely datable and suggests that activity here took 
place between c.1650 and c.1680. This date accords well with the suggested date for the 
demolition of the old manor house around 1671 and much of the glass and pottery debris 
may have been deposited on the site following the demolition of this building. 

Light industrial activity in area three 

In the northern part of the site in area three there was a concentration of industrial features 
including hearths, furnaces, a stone trough and cistern, culverts and building remains 
(Fig. 14). They seem to have been related to small-scale industry. Judging by the large 
number of sheep metapodials in a pit and in a foundation layer in area two, this probably 
included tawing, the production of high quality white leather (see discussion below). 

The culvert, trough and cistern 

At the eastern side of the group was an open stone-lined culvert (4096) with an associated 
flagged surface (4080) to its north (Fig. 14). The two structural features were probably built 
as part of the same construction project and their functions must have been related. The 
sides of the culvert stood to three or four courses on the east side but were less substantial 



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Fig. 11. Overall plan of phase four (late medieval) features showing scattered occupation and 
culvert (2147). 

on the west. The culvert was filled with a deposit (4081) rich in chunks of charcoal and coal 
(Fig. 1 7). It was clear that water had run through this loose deposit as grey silt had accumulated 
in the base. The coal-rich fill was probably an integral part of the culvert used to filter any 
water than ran down it. This would be appropriate if the flagged surface to the north had 
been used to wash animal hides that had been soaked in noxious solutions of urine or lime. 


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This would have been an integral part of the tawing process (see below). 

To the west of the culvert and connected to it by a short conduit was a sunken stone-lined 
tank or cistern (4069) (Fig. 14-16). This structure was 0.85 msquare in plan and extended lm 
deep into the ground. It was constructed from a mixture of dressed stone and roughly hewn 
rubble, all of which was limestone. The stones were bonded with lime mortar and stood to a 


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Fig. 13. Plan of the earliest phase hearth (4147) in the south of area three. This hearth or furnace 
lay directly beneath hearth (4163). 


maximum of five courses. The cistern was three sided and a stone trough (4068) formed its 
western side. A slot, high up on the east side of the cistern would have allowed water to pass 
into it from the culvert. The stone trough (4068) was a single piece of dressed limestone 
measuring 1 .85m by 0.8m and 0.4m in depth. In the base of the trough there was hole that had 
been plugged with lime mortar (4070), suggesting that the trough had been re-used. This 
trough had a crescent shaped depression in its eastern side, which would have allowed 
water to spill over into the adjacent cistern (4069). The trough was fed with water through a 
lead pipe (Fig. 1 6) that led into it from its northwestern comer. The pipe passed along a linear 


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Fig. 14. The mid to late seventeenth light industrial complex from area three. The thicker lines 
represent upstanding masonry. 

trench [4085] that ran up to the trough from the west (Fig. 14). It seems likely that this trench 
had originally continued for 10m to the west as a length of ditch [3030] that had been 
identified in area two (Fig. 12). The two features shared very similar fills and profiles. Another 
linear pipe trench [4015] also containing a lead pipe ran at right angles to this one and it 
seems likely that they formed part of the same water management system related to the light 
industrial activities during the mid to late seventeenth century (Fig. 12). 

This group of features were clearly related to one another. Water was fed into the trough 
through the lead pipe and was then used possibly to wash hides on the flagged surface. The 
water generated by washing hides would have been allowed to run down the coal-filled culvert. 
Water would also have mn into the cistern both from the culvert to the east and the trough to the 
west. The depth of the cistern may have acted as a soak-away for this waste liquid. 


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One of the pits in area two [3036] (Fig. 12) produced a distinctive assemblage of animal 
bones. The pit contained 1487 fragments of bone of which 1386 were sheep metapodials. 
Similar assemblages of sheep metapodials have been unearthed at medieval and post-medieval 
sites in York (O’Connor 1984), Doncaster (Smith and Halstead 1989), Pontefract (Ian Roberts 
pers. comm.), Bawtry (Mounteney and Cumberpatch 1996) and Sheffield (ARCUS 2005) 
where they were associated with the tawing process. It is felt that sheepskins were brought 


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Fig. 16. The stone trough (4068) and cistern (4069) showing the lead pipe in the corner of the 
trough next to the vertical photographic scale. The near side of the trough has been worn away 
to allow water to flow into the cistern. Looking west. Scales are 1 m and 0.5m. 


to the tawers with their hooves and feet still attached. The feet could have been used as 
handles for stretching the skins and then discarded once the skins had been treated. The 
dumps of metapodials at Sprotbrough were only found in area two of the excavations. They 
show that sheepskins were being processed close by and the small number of cow metapodials 
also suggests that some tanning, cow hide processing, was also taking place (see discussion 
below). 

THE BUILDING 

Only the southern part of this building had survived (4042) and most of its eastern side 
and northern end had been completely removed by later activity (Fig 12 and 14). The building 
(group 24) had been arranged alongside the flagged surface (4080) and was clearly associated 
with it. It was also respected by the pipe trench [4085] and the hearths and cisterns to the 
south. It was overlain by a further group of small-scale hearths around its southwestern 
comer. 

This building had little direct dating evidence but the spatial relationships with adjacent 
features such as the culvert strongly suggest it belonged in the seventeenth century. It 



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Fig. 17. The stone channel (4096) showing its clinker/ coal rich fill (4081 ) that was probably used to 
filter water generated during washing hides on the flagged surface (4080) to the north. Looking 
north. Scales are lm and 0.5m. 


overlay deposits that contained medieval pottery and was itself overlain by the dump deposit 
(4000), which produced material from the seventeenth century and later. This building is 
likely to have been used as part of the light industrial activity that took place here but its 






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precise role was not clear. In the context of tawing it could have been used to store hides at 
various stages of the process and particularly perhaps for drying. 

THE HEARTHS 

Two large stone-founded hearths were identified to the south of the wall (4042) and 
immediately west of the stone trough (4068) and cistern (4069), which they butted. The large 
stone structure was constructed and used in two separate episodes and was surrounded by 
burnt material and scorched stones (Fig. 13-14 and 18). 

The earliest hearth (4147) (Fig. 13) was set into a mortar-based bedding layer within a 
foundation cut. It consisted of a linear setting of dressed limestone blocks on the western 
side with smaller roughly hewn rubble on the north and east forming a curving three sided 
structure open to the south. The use of the first hearth was indicated by a spread of burnt 
material that overlay it. This deposit (4145) was spread over an area measuring 2.5mby 2.5m 
and was up to 0.4m thick in places. It contained charcoal and fragments of limestone. 

The second phase of the hearth structure was constructed on top of the layer. It was a 
substantial surface (4163) of stone slabs and blocks (Fig. 14 and 18). The furnace itself was 
horse-shoe shape in plan defined by a curving structure (4052) built from irregular rubble 
stones that were faced on the inside facing towards the centre of the ovoid surface. The 
stones of both surface and structure had clearly been exposed to high temperatures. The 
furnace was flanked on the east by a similar curving structure (4047). This had no foundation 
surface and had been constructed in a more irregular manner with roughly hewn un-faced 
stone. The burnt material generated by the burning in the hearth settings had been discarded 
to the west of the hearths. This layer was black in colour and contained 80 per cent charcoal 
flecks and fragments as well as occasional small stones and patches of pink clay. Two 
successive dumps had been laid over the top of both hearths settings and they probably 
reflect the abandonment of the structures. 

The hearths appeared to have been closely related to the adjacent trough, cistern and 
culvert but their function was not immediately clear. They may have served to produce the 
lime that was used to initially soak the fleshy hides. There were many fragments of lime 
mortar and chunks of limestone in the burnt deposits associated with them. However it was 
unclear why hearths used for lime-burning would have been located so close to features not 
directly related to this process. We will return to this discussion below. 

In two other parts of the site, there was evidence for activity during the mid to late 
seventeenth century, again dated by pottery and clay pipe fragments. In both areas one and 
two, there was a series of cobble surfaces and wall foundations representing hard-standing 
areas and insubstantial buildings (Fig. 12). Sherds of pottery that probably came from the 
same vessel were found in both areas one and three suggesting that the activities in these 
two areas were closely related. 

SEVENTEENTH CENTURY ACTIVITY IN AREA ONE (Fig. 12). 

In the southeastern comer of area one, the earliest feature was a stone flagged surface 
(2049), made up of large to medium limestone blocks that had been set into a sandy bedding 
layer (Fig. 12). The stone setting had a linear arrangement down its centre with two 
concentrations of stone to either side. The stones were bonded with grey sand and grey 


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Fig. 18. Horse-shoe shape hearth/ furnace (4163) showing blackened burnt residues on the stone 
surface. Looking west. Scale is 0.5m. 


mortar and in places were set well into the ground, presumably for extra stability. This 
surface may have provided the basis for some heavy standing machinery. 

An extensive cobble surface (2088) butted up to this setting but did not overlay it so the 
two features are likely to have been in use at the same time. This surface was probably an 
external yard and extended across much of the southeastern comer of the site over an area 
measuring at least 9 m by 5 m. A stone socket (2121) carved from a single block of stone had 
been incorporated into the surface in this comer (Fig. 19). This stone has been identified as 
the base of a medieval cross shaft and probably dates originally from the thirteenth century 
(P. Sidebottom pers. comm.). The stone socket had obviously been re-used and moved from 
its original location. The finds from these surfaces all point to a seventeenth rather than a 
thirteenth century date for its context. In its seventeenth century context, the cross base 
may have been used to support an upright timber. 

Much of the stone surface (2088) and setting (2049) went out of use when a series of 
dumps and levelling deposits were laid down in this part of the site. One of these contained 
large amounts of stone and some of it was large enough to have been robbed from the 
setting (2049). This would suggest that this surface had originally been larger than the 




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Fig. 19. The medieval cross shaft base (2121) re-used as a stone socket in a possible horse engine in 
the seventeenth century. Scale is 0.5m 


fragment that survived. Alongside this dump to the west was a more extensive dump that 
overlay the cobble surface (2088) and contained large amounts of coal and ash. A wall 
foundation (2048) was constructed above these dump layers and it seems they were designed 
to level the ground ready for this wall. Neither the dumps nor the wall extended over the 
stone socket and its immediate surroundings and it is possible that this feature remained in 
use. The wall itself (2048) only survived for a short distance of 4.3m and it is difficult to say 
to what kind of building it belonged. If the stone socket remained in use then it is possible 
that it was now incorporated within a building. The lack of any finds dating later than 1680 
in association with any of these features suggests that they were all part of the seventeenth 
century activity known elsewhere in areas two and three. 

SEVENTEENTH CENTURY ACTIVITY IN AREA TWO (Fig. 1 2). 

Much of the seventeenth century archaeology in this area had been truncated by later 
activity especially towards the southern end of the area where it was almost totally removed 
by a modem brick structure (Fig. 4). Judging by the pottery found in association with the 
surfaces and wall foundations, these remains were contemporary with the light industrial 
activity known to the north-east in area three and to the east in area one. 


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Fig. 20. The inside of the 1750 stable block looking northwest to the main carriage entrance and 
the church. The stable buildings have since been renovated as part of the residential development. 
The excavation site was to the left of this picture. 


The sequence began with a laid cobble surface (3008) that extended across much of the 
central part of area two. The cobble surface appeared to have butted up against a wall 
foundation (3224). This was truncated by the brick structure to the south. The wall was 
made up of a single course of roughly hewn limestone rubble, which had faces to both east 
and west. It may relate to another stretch of walling (3120) that was identified 3.5m further 
south. It is unclear whether these stretches of wall formed part of a building. Neither of them 
had been set within a foundation cut so it seems unlikely they were designed to support 
much weight. However the width of wall (3224) was greater than many of the other stretches 
of wall on the site and does perhaps indicate it was designed to support the superstructure 
of a building of some kind. 

A clay-rich foundation layer (3043) respected wall (3224) and extended from it to the west 
towards the western edge of excavation. If these two walls did form the sides of a building 
then this layer could represent some form of floor deposit. Thereafter a sequence of dumps 
probably reflects the disuse of this structure. 

A broad irregular pit [3036] was identified along the western edge of the area, which 
contained large numbers of sheep metapodials (see above). This is the kind of waste material 




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257 


generated during the tawing process as the fleeces would have been brought to site with 
their hooves attached. 

Phases Six and Seven (Eighteenth to early twentieth century) 

Despite the nearby stables, there appears to have been very little structural activity on the 
site during the eighteenth and much of the nineteenth century. Phase six (eighteenth to early 
nineteenth century) was characterised by a series of dumps or foundation/levelling layers 
and it may be that the site at this time, acted as an exercise yard for the horses. The finds that 
came out of these layers reflected the mixed and disturbed nature of the deposits, as there 
was much residual pottery especially from the seventeenth century. In the northwestern 
comer of area one was a flagged surface (2006) associated with a large piece of nineteenth 
century pottery. It was truncated by a phase seven culvert (Fig. 4; [2002]). Of probable 
similar date was a laid cobbled pathway (2057) whose carefully placed stones had been set 
into a layer of sand. This too could have been associated with the use of the stables to the 
east. It was tmncated by the east-west greenhouse (2008) also pictured on Figure 4. 

Phase seven (nineteenth to early twentieth century) related to the use of the site as a 
kitchen garden during the period since about 1850. It included foundations for brick-built 
greenhouses and stove houses as well as stone-lined culverts and water tanks that fed the 
buildings with water (Fig. 4). 

In the northwestern part of the site in area three there was a culvert [4012] that extended to 
the south and also ran across area one (Fig.4). At the base of the trench was a brick culvert 
topped by stone slabs. Two greenhouses or stove houses were built on the site probably 
during the late nineteenth or early twentieth century (Fig. 4). One of these (2008) was 15.8m 
long and ran from east to west across both areas one and two. It was a brick structure and at 
its eastern end was a sunken brick tank. Modem finds such as fragments of flowerpot and 
modem window glass were found in association as well as range of residual earlier finds. 

In area two the latest feature was another brick structure (3011) that was probably 
contemporary with the greenhouse just described. This structure was defined by brick 
settings and extended southwards beyond the edge of the excavation area two (Fig. 4). In 
area three there was a large stone-lined pit [4063] that may have served as a well in the 
nineteenth or early twentieth century providing water for the gardening activities (Fig. 4). 

The watching brief and evaluation 

The majority of the discoveries from the watching brief occurred in the northwestern part 
of the development area in the zone that had recently been used as a lawned garden (Fig. 2 
and 21). Most of the archaeological remains were recent features such as brick water tanks, 
land drains, pipe trenches and the remains of a sunken garden. There were some features 
that appear to date from the eighteenth or nineteenth centuries and some of these probably 
belonged to the eighteenth century landscape park pictured in the 1709 engraving (Fig. 3). 
Others such as the footings of greenhouses and pathways were more likely to have been 
part of the nineteenth century kitchen gardens. 

The ornamental canal. 

The evaluation in trench five had picked up the remains of the backfilled canal depicted in 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 



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the 1709 engraving (Fig. 3 and 2 1 , No 1 ). This feature was also observed in the watching brief 
where a large cut was seen, measuring 6.8m wide by 1 .9m deep. It had been filled with a very 
dark and peaty waterlogged deposit that contained rotting vegetation, tree stumps and 
logs. This was overlain by a mixed deposit of pinkish or yellowish brown clay with occasional 
limestone fragments. These fills represent the deliberate backfilling of the canal during a 


SPROTBROUGH 


259 


major landscaping event. A stone-lined drain had been inserted into the upper levels of the 
backfill and was seen in section. 

Eighteenth century walls. 

Two stretches of wall appear to have been part of the early eighteenth century landscape 
park. The first wall was seen across 0.6m in the foundation trench of a house plot about 30m 
south-west of the stables (Fig. 2 1 , No 2). It was made up of irregularly coursed roughly hewn 
blocks of limestone to five courses, which were bonded with yellow-white mortar. The 
remainder of this wall was still extant at the time of recording running off to the north-east 
towards the stables (Fig. 21, No 2). It was marked on both the 1709 engraving and the 1892 
OS map to the south of the stables and excavation area (Fig. 1, 3 and 21). 

Wall (1017) was seen following the topsoil strip in the centre of the site to the south of the 
main access road from Boat Fane (Fig. 3 and 2 1 , No 3). The wall (1017) had been built on top 
of a single course of foundation stones and was made up of two courses of roughly hewn 
limestone blocks, bonded with lime mortar. The wall was faced on its north side but to the 
south the foundations were abutted by a levelling or make up layer. This may relate to the 
initial early eighteenth century landscaping event. The wall was also recognised to the west 
of this location but here it had been extensively robbed out. This wall is marked on the 1709 
engraving (Fig. 3) and must have formed part of the early eighteenth century landscape 
park. It was still extant at the end of the nineteenth century as it is also marked on the 1892 
OS map (Fig. 1). 

Eighteenth century garden remains 

Planting holes were recorded across the site and they probably relate to the early eighteenth 
century landscape park when this area was filled by rows of small trees (Fig. 3). Good 
examples were known from the evaluation in trench 6 (Fig. 21). The pits were perfectly 
circular in plan with rounded profiles and were between 0.8m and lm in diameter (OS A 2001). 

Nineteenth century garden features. 

A grid pattern of pathways was identified to the south of the east-west access road and 
they probably relate to the nineteenth century landscape park as they are marked on the 
1892 OS map (Fig.l and 21). They formed part of an extensive pattern of pathways that 
extended northwards to the lawned area where they were still extant prior to the development. 
Some of these paths had been constructed within a shallow linear trench. A bed of cinder 
and limestone fragments was placed in the cut to provide a sound foundation for the path. 
One of the paths had been re-laid probably during the 1920s when it was replaced with a 
foundation of larger limestone blocks. 

To the north of the lawned area the topsoil strip revealed the footings of greenhouses or 
stove-houses that were probably associated with the nineteenth century kitchen gardens 
(Fig. 2 1 , No 4). Similar features had been recorded in this area during the evaluation in trench 
8 and the outlines of some probable stove-houses were marked on the 1892 OS map here 
(Fig. 1-2). The footings consisted of rows of closely spaced bricks marking the rectangular 
footprint of each building. A rubble-filled water tank at one end of the footings suggested 
that these were heated greenhouses or stove-houses (see Klemperer 2003). 


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DISCUSSION AND HISTORICAL CONTEXT 

SPROTBROUGH BEFORE THE NORMAN CONQUEST 

The village of Sprotbrough lies on the northern side of the Don Gorge downstream of the 
crossing point at Strafforth Sands below Comsbrough and the confluence of the Don and 
Deame. The Roman road from the fort at Templeborough, near Rotherham, to Doncaster lies 
on the other side of the river. Scattered finds throughout the village as well as survey in 
Scabba Wood to the west, suggest that the area was occupied during the later Iron Age and 
Roman period (Chadwick and Robbins 1998). Further excavation in Scabba Wood revealed 
at least two Neolithic burials under the overhang of a rock shelter (Chadwick 1992; Buckland 
et al 2002). 

The centuries leading up to the Norman Conquest are poorly understood in South 
Yorkshire. Discussions of the period are usually based on historical evidence, place-names, 
stone sculpture or churches (Hey 2003; Buckland et al 1989) and very little information is 
available from archaeological excavations. Sprotbrough may have been the site of some 
form of defensive settlement between the seventh and eleventh centuries AD. There is a 
string of place-names on both sides of the River Don such as Comsbrough, Bamburgh, and 
Mexborough that use the Old English element, burh (Hey 2003, 28). Sprotbrough forms part 
of this group and the first recorded version of its name from Domesday Book is Sproteburgh 
(Smith 1961, 64). These settlements are poorly understood but they may represent a group 
of defensive sites belonging to individual and largely independent landowners. This whole 
area was often the arena for conflict between the two Anglo-Saxon kingdoms of Mercia and 
Northumbria between the seventh and the ninth centuries AD (Buckland et al 1989). 

The church building at Sprotbrough dates largely from the later medieval period but there 
are hints of an earlier phase. The earliest part of the building dates from the late twelfth 
century (Magilton 1977, 65) but there is a fragment of stone sculpture incorporated into a 
buttress in the south wall of the chancel that is thought to be of pre-Conquest type (Magilton 
1977, 65). However the scroll ornament on a block of Lower Magnesian Limestone is not 
found elsewhere in the region, where most Anglo-Saxon work is on either Millstone Grit or 
coal Measures sandstone. This piece may actually be a re-used fragment of Roman 
architectural stone, along with one of the columns incorporated into the earliest part of the 
chancel (R Sidebottom and P. Buckland, pers. comm.). It is a short distance by river to the 
Roman town at Doncaster whose remains would have made a ready quarry for building 
stone in the post Roman period. There is no direct evidence for a pre-Conquest foundation 
for the church but if there had been one, there is every chance its remains were absorbed 
into later versions of the building. 

In 2001 when the excavations began, these were the first archaeological discoveries that 
could be related to the historically known burhs and some of the first Anglo-Saxon 
discoveries of any kind in South Yorkshire. Since then archaeological excavations have 
been undertaken in the nearby villages of Bamburgh by WYAS (West Yorkshire Archaeology 
Service) (2005) and in Comsbrough by ARCUS (Archaeological Research and Consultancy 
at the University of Sheffield) (Buckland et al forthcoming). At Bamburgh there were extensive 
excavations in the grounds of the medieval and post medieval Bamburgh Hall. The 
excavations uncovered evidence for early Roman and medieval occupation but no traces of 


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Anglo-Saxon or Anglo-Scandinavian activity. 

At Conisbrough the remains of a massive wooden planked revetment were investigated 
by ARCUS close to the present church in the heart of the village during 2002 (Buckland et al 
forthcoming). There was no associated artefactual material but dendrochronological analysis 
of the waterlogged timbers showed that they were felled in the late sixth century AD. This 
feature may be the boundary of the royal stronghold of Conisbrough that is hinted at 
through both the place-name and the documentary evidence. 

The finds of pre-Conquest pottery, coins and the dress pin from Sprotbrough indicate that 
this was an important site between the eighth and eleventh centuries AD. This confirms the 
suggestions made by the place-name and the church. It represents one of the very rare 
discoveries of pre-Conquest remains in South Yorkshire. One of the coins was produced by 
the Northumbrian royal mint and this may show that the occupants of the site had political 
and economic affiliations to Northumbria rather than Mercia at the end of the eighth century. 
As the finds were not associated with actual features it is impossible to say what kind of 
settlement existed here at this date or precisely where it was located. 

MEDIEVAL SPROTBROUGH 

We know more about the centuries following the Norman Conquest as there is a large 
increase in both documentary and archaeological evidence. There have been programmes 
of archaeological excavation in towns like Doncaster (Buckland et al 1989) and Bawtry 
(Dunkley and Cumberpatch 1996) and these have uncovered the remains of buildings, pottery 
kilns and other craftworking activities. Very little work has been done in the medieval villages, 
despite piecemeal development in the historic cores of these settlements. The town of 
Doncaster was an important centre throughout the middle ages and by the fourteenth century 
was the most prosperous urban settlement in South Yorkshire (Buckland et al 1 989) with an 
estimated population of 1,520 (Dyer 2000). The town was a major regional market and there 
is also archaeological evidence for industrial activities, malting, pottery production and lime 
production. Although above the head of navigation (Willan 1968), the river Don would still 
have provided a route for small boats and this would have linked Sprotbrough closely to the 
town. Both Bawtry and Doncaster were major inland ports and this is reflected in the quantities 
of European pottery recovered from both places (C. Cumberpatch, pers. comm). 

Sprotbrough is known for its connection with the Fitzwilliam family who were, “one of the 
most illustrious families in England’’ (Hunter 1828, quoted in Klemperer 2003, 220). They 
owned land across South Yorkshire from as early as the twelfth century (Hey 2003, 86-7) and 
are consistently associated with Sprotbrough between the twelfth and sixteenth centuries. 
It would appear that their manorial base lay in the village as the church contains many 
Fitzwilliam graves. Some of these, dating from the fourteenth century, are finely carved 
stone tombs with full-length reclining figures of the highest sculptural quality. There is also 
an incised brass plaque to the memory of William Fitzwilliam who died towards the end of the 
fifteenth century when he left a bequest to heighten the tower of the church (Hey 2003, 87). 
This rebuilding work did duly take place and at the same time buttresses were added to the 
base of the tower. The rest of the church building dates largely from the thirteenth (chancel) 
and fourteenth century (side aisles and tower). The earliest piece of work dates from the late 
twelfth century and reflects the structure of the Norman church. 


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During the sixteenth century, the estates belonging to the Fitzwilliams in Spro through 
passed through marriage to another landed family, the Copleys (Klemperer 2003, 220). It is 
assumed that the Fitzwilliams had a manor house in the village but there is no documented 
record of such a building. The earliest record of a manor house dates from 1 57 1 when Philip 
Copley is recorded as being of “Sprotburgh manor ” and is described as “ having a house” 
there (Klemperer 2003, 206). It is thought that this building was demolished around 1671 in 
readiness for the construction of the new house, Sprotbrough Hall, which took place from 
1685 (Klemperer 2003, 224). The exact location of the medieval and early post-medieval 
manor house is unclear. Klemperer has argued that the house was probably located close to 
the church, perhaps on the site of the later stables, immediately east of these excavations 
(ibid, 225). Wherever it was, the manor house would have been surrounded by outbuildings 
and formal gardens with an enclosed park also known from the documents (ibid, 225). 

THE TWELFTH CENTURY BUILDING AND ASSOCIATED OCCUPATION 

The square building uncovered by these excavations was constructed around the middle 
or end of the twelfth century but probably lasted for no more than sixty years before it was 
demolished. Its structure was fairly well understood but its function remains unclear. 

The only local parallels for buildings of this date come from Bawtry and Doncaster but 
there are others from further a field, from both East and West Yorkshire. At most other sites 
in the wider region the buildings of the twelfth or thirteenth centuries were smaller in size 
than the Sprotbrough example and were constructed using earth fast posts without a stone 
foundation or ‘sill wall’. For instance the sequence of building at Eastgate, Beverley shows 
that the use of a sill wall, as a foundation for the timber framed superstructure did not appear 
until the fourteenth century (Evans and Tomlinson 1992, 290). In Bawtry the use of a stone 
foundation or sill wall did not appear until the middle of the thirteenth century (Dunkley and 
Cumberpatch 1996). 

The twelfth century post-built structure from Bawtry (building 12) measured 5m by 7m 
whilst the fourteenth century hall from Eastgate with its stone foundations measured roughly 
7m by 7m in plan. The Sprotbrough example measured 8m by 8.2m internally and so was 
larger than both of these. Of similar size was a 7.9m long building from West Yorkshire, which 
is known from a probable thirteenth century documentary reference (Moorhouse 1981, 806). 
The twelfth century structure at Bamburgh was timber framed with earth-fast posts whilst a 
more substantial stone foundation from the fourteenth century was identified in another 
part of the site (WYAS 2005). 

In most cases, the medieval buildings known from places like Bawtry and Beverley would 
have been made from timber frames of the ‘post and truss’ construction (Ryder 1980; Johnson 
1993; Grenville 1997). This structural type was common throughout medieval England and 
consisted of a timber frame with vertical load bearing posts jointed to horizontal sill beams 
at the base and to horizontal girding beams half way between the sill beam and the roof 
structure (Ryder 1980,14; Grenville 1997, 34-5). The vertical posts were usually set upon 
large pad stones and these stones or ‘stylobates’ can be seen on several of the excavated 
houses at Bawtry. They occur at the comers and at intervals along the length of the wall 
lines and were especially important where no stone foundations were present (Dunkley and 
Cumberpatch 1996, 19). The sill beams were usually set horizontally on the top of low 


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foundation walls and there would still be a need for pad stones at the comers to provide 
stability for the vertical posts. 

The presence of a sill wall at Sprotbrough is slightly earlier in date than the appearance of 
this technique on most other comparable sites. The low walls were set within construction 
trenches, which would have provided a considerable degree of structural support for the 
floor, walls and roof. Given the lack of obvious pad stones or stylobates along the wall it may 
be that this wall was of stone and not timber. This would be more likely if the building stood 
to a single storey in height. 

Moorhouse has discussed the use of the sill-wall in medieval West Yorkshire examples as 
a means of lifting the timber superstructure of the building, including the floor, off the 
dampness of the ground (1981, 807). This was not likely in the Sprotbrough case, as the 
mortar layer (2086) probably reflected the floor level and was at least two courses below the 
surviving height of the top of the wall. 

At neither Eastgate nor Bawtry was there roof tile in sufficient quantities for any of those 
buildings to have had a tiled roof (Evans and Tomlinson 1992; Dunkley and Cumberpatch 
1 996). At Sprotbrough the large amounts of tile, especially from the abandonment/ demolition 
deposits, strongly suggests that this building did have a tiled roof. The nibbed tiles uncovered 
at the site were similar to others found in excavations in Doncaster of deposits also dated to 
the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The glazed crested ridge tile amongst this assemblage 
only serves to strengthen the suspicion that this was a high status building. On other sites 
of this period where no ceramic roof tile has been found, it is likely that the buildings were 
roofed with either thatch, wooden shingles or stone (Moorhouse 1981, 810). 

The Sprotbrough building contained at least three internal spaces. The southern half was 
divided into two roughly equal areas by the robber trench. This had presumably been dug 
to remove the stones from a foundation wall or stone pathway leading towards the well. The 
floor surface was different on either side of the robber trench. One of the buildings at Bawtry 
(buildmg 5 phase 2) dating from the thirteenth or fourteenth century had a tiled floor (Dunkley 
and Cumberpatch 1996, 38). Most of the tiles had been removed but the mortar bedding layer 
had survived. It seems possible that the mortar floor (2086) at Sprotbrough provided a level 
base for a tiled floor but if so it is surprising that no fragments of any floor tile were found 
during excavations. 

The northern half of the building was poorly understood because it was truncated by the 
modem greenhouse. In the centre was the stone-lined well. It is hard to find other examples 
of buildings with internal wells from this period but they were probably not uncommon. At 
the Subscription Rooms site in Doncaster, a medieval to late medieval well was found. It had 
been built within a small out-house attached to a larger building (Buckland et al 1989, 110- 
116). Also at High Fishergate, Doncaster there was another medieval well. This one had 
been backfilled in the fourteenth century and was constructed with limestone slabs set into 
grey clay (ibid, 1 89). In both respects they are very similar to the well from Sprotbrough. At 
Bawtry, there were a number of medieval and late medieval wells but they were all found 
behind the houses with no surrounding structures. Some were lined with stone whilst others 
were not lined and were simply large pits (Dunkley and Cumberpatch 1996). The Sprotbrough 
well was constmcted to a high standard wfh dressed stone and an unusual flagged access 


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way. It is hard to escape the conclusion that this was an internal well built to serve the needs 
of the occupants of this building. 

Everything about this building suggests that it was built for a wealthy household. If the 
building was of stone then it was a rare example of secular architecture in stone from this 
period. If it were timber framed then this construction technique (sill wall supporting frame) 
is only rarely seen on other sites of this period until at least a century later. It is accepted that 
the excavations at Eastgate and Bawtry do not reflect high status households. However the 
provision of a tiled roof, plaster/ mortar floor, an internal stone well all point to the high 
status association for the Sprotbrough building. Alan Vince has pointed out that the pottery 
assemblage associated with the building also indicates a higher than average level of wealth 
for this household because of the ratio between jars and jugs (see below). Although it was 
only short-lived, it is highly likely that this building formed part of the manorial complex of 
the Fitzwilliam family during the twelfth and thirteenth century. 

The status association of the building is clear but its function is not so obvious. It is likely 
to have served an ancillary function to a larger residential building close by rather than itself 
being the main residential focus of the manor. A residential hall of this date would be expected 
to have had either a central hearth or a chimney stack and fireplace (Grenville 1997). Looking 
at examples of residential aisled halls from this period they are usually greater in size than the 
ground floor space of the Sprotbrough building. The twelfth century example from Goltho, 
Lincolnshire, for example measured 19.5m by 12m (Grenville 1997, 86). This post built structure 
had a separate kitchen and chamber building detached from the main hall. In fact it was usual 
in the twelfth century for halls to have ancilliary service buildings such as chambers or 
pantries and these were sometimes detached from the main structure. Kitchens in particular 
were often detached at this date (Grenville 1997, 82-3). Due to the lack of a hearth or oven, 
the Sprotbrough building is unlikely to have been a kitchen but it may have served other 
service functions, particularly in the light of the well. The presence of the well and the 
probable flagged pathway to it suggests that it may have been some form of well-house or 
washing house. 

A small number of pieces of iron slag came from two medieval features (ditch [308 1 ] and pit 
[3124]) and these may indicate that iron smithing was taking place on or close to the site 
during the twelfth or early thirteenth century. The manorial complex would have been 
supported by a range of ancillary buildings and it seems likely that occasional craftworking 
and light industrial activities would have taken place, particularly alongside the buildings 
designed to service the main house. 

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITY 

The site was intensively occupied during the middle and later stages of the seventeenth 
century when it was used for some form of light industrial activity. Judging by the large 
number of sheep metapodials, this was probably related to tawing but there were also other 
processes going on as well. 

Tawing 

A number of medieval and post-medieval tanneries and tawing sites have been excavated 
over the last thirty years and the archaeological signature of these two processes has been 


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established. The best evidence comes from the sites investigated at Northampton where at 
least three tanning sites are known (Shaw 1 984; 1987; 1 996). Each one contained numerous 
clay lined or wood lined pits of both rectangular and circular plan. These would have been 
used for steeping the hides at various different stages of the tanning or tawing process. 

Tawing differed from tanning in that it did not involve cow hides and was concerned with 
the production of high quality white leather. The sheepskins, or skins of other animals such 
as deer, horse, pigs and goats were usually treated with alum or oils. In tanning on the other 
hand, the cow hides were soaked in solutions of oak bark or other tannin rich material as a 
means of curing them and making the hide waterproof (Searjantson 1989; Cherry 1991). Both 
types of hide had to go through a lengthy process of immersion, washing and re-mmersion 
that could take up to two years for a single skin (Shaw 1987; Searjantson 1989). As hides had 
to be left to soak sometimes for several months a large number of pits were required. At 
Riverside Exchange, Sheffield there was evidence for tawing stretching over two or three 
hundred years between the seventeenth and the nineteenth centuries. Five stone-lined pits 
dated from the seventeenth century and it is likely that the complex extended beyond the 
excavated area (ARCUS 2005). Similarly at the Askews site on Church Way, Doncaster a 
number of clay lined and wood lined pits were excavated that had probably been used for 
soaking sheepskins (Webster 1995). Neither of these two sites has yet been fully written up 
and this information was gathered from interim reports. At Walmgate, York, there were fifty 
five pits (Brinklow 1984) and a similar number from the Green, Northampton (Shaw 1996). 
The pits from all these sites were usually circular or rectangular in plan and often arranged 
in rows. At some sites there was evidence for clay linings (Walmgate: Brinklow 1984) and 
occasionally the pits appear to have also been lined with wooden planks (Northampton: 
Shaw 1996). Some of the Northampton examples had contained circular barrels. 

The first stage of both tawing and tanning is to wash the fresh skins and then soak them 
in lime to loosen up the flesh and hair from the animal skin (Serjeantson 1989; Cherry 1991; 
Shaw 1987). Many of the pits described above had layers of lime in the base reflecting their 
use during this stage of the process. In some cases the lime had preserved the underlying 
organic traces of the pit linings (Riverside, Exchange, Sheffield: Arcus 2005). Lime was 
obviously an important raw material for this process. A large pit [2094] on the eastern edge 
of the Sprotbrough excavations contained a thick lime deposit in its base (Fig. 12). This layer 
had also sealed and preserved an organic fill that was rich in ash and charcoal. Our initial 
interpretation of this pit was that it had been used for the production or burning of lime 
because the sides of the pit were scorched. However, the lack of any kind of flue may make 
this idea unlikely. A better explanation could be that it was used to soak hides in a lime-based 
solution. The depth and size of the pit would mean that several skins could have been 
soaked at once. The burning traces on the sides of the pit could reflect the way it was 
deliberately fired to clean out the traces of skin, flesh and hair that must have been left. This 
process may also have been present during the medieval period at Askews/ Church Way, 
Doncaster (Webster 1995). Sometimes skins were soaked in wood ash at this stage (Shaw 
1987) and the layer of burnt material at the base of the pit [2094] may reflect that use also. 
Alternatively this layer could be the fired remains of an organic lining for the pit. In order to 
soak hides in this rock-cut pit it would have needed a watertight wooden lining as otherwise 
the water would simply percolate through the porous rock. 


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Given the presence of the large lime pit to the east, where hides would first have been de- 
fleshed, the tank and trough could have been associated with a subsequent stage in the 
process. The stone trough could have provided a convenient shallow pit for easy handling 
of hides soaked for short periods of time. For sheepskins this would probably be the de- 
liming when the skins were soaked in bird droppings, dog dung, barley or ash bark (Shaw 
1987). Subsequent to that the skins would have been placed in large tubs and trampled in a 
paste of alum, egg yolks, oil and flour (Cherry 1991). The whole complex of trough, cistern, 
flagged surface and culvert would have been well suited for washing the hides between 
periods of soaking. This would have required a ready flow of water and a means of disposing 
of that water. It seems likely that the cistern was used as a soak-away rather than as an 
immersion tank in which hides were placed. As noted above, the coal and ash-rich fill of the 
culvert would have filtered the waste water washed off the hides on the surface to the north. 

The many sheep metapodials both from a pit and a later dump layer at Sprotbrough does 
suggest that tawing was taking place close by, but only one of the pits where hides may 
have been soaked could be identified. A tawing or tanning set up of any kind would have 
needed many pits for immersion and treatment of the hides and these may have lam outside 
the excavation area possibly beneath the eighteenth century stables. 

The role of the hearths 

The complex of industrial features in the south of area three included two large hearths or 
furnaces. Although they were clearly related to the trough and cistern discussed above their 
function was not so obvious. The presence of many small pieces of limestone and lime 
mortar associated with the burnt layers to the west may suggest they were used for lime 
burning. This would have been useful in the treatment of the hides. Ovens or kilns like this 
have been found on other sites and their interpretation is never conclusive. At Bamburgh, 
a sub-circular stone-lined sunken kiln, which had a flue, was interpreted as a lime-kiln (WYAS 
2005). It was similar in size and shape to the larger of the two Sprotbrough hearths and also 
came from a similar period (sixteenth to seventeenth century). It was linked with the 
construction of the nearby dovecote. However, at Sprotbrough it would be unusual for lime- 
burning hearths to be located so close to other features seemingly un-related to this process. 

An alternative explanation for these hearths could be that they were associated with 
dyeing the sheepskin or leather once they had been treated. The shape of the kilns would 
have been ideal to support and heat large circular vats. A discussion of the requirements for 
dyeing in the medieval period identifies that the first stage of the process would be to place 
the dye in boiling water with stale urine, potash or lime in large copper vessels. The material 
to be dyed would then be placed into the hot liquid. “These cauldrons or vats were set on 

top of industrial hearths or ovens, which could be variously keyhole-shaped, oval, u- 

shaped , .... or rectangular." (Evans and Tomlinson 1992, 282). The hearths were sometimes 
formed from a stone superstructure comprising a low stone wall (ibid, 284). The dyed material 
would then be placed in a cold vat with a solution of woodash or alum to fix the dye. We 
cannot be sure about the function of these hearths but the juxtaposition with features 
clearly suited to washing and draining off waste water would be ideal for the process described 
above. If this were the case the hides could have been dyed here following their treatment as 
part of the tawing process. The complex of trough, cistern and culvert could in fact have 


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267 


been used both for washing hides during tawing and for washing associated with dyeing. 

At Doncaster a stone built horseshoe shaped kiln with flue was similar to the later of two 
adjacent hearth structures from Sprotbrough (Buckland etal 1989, 164-5). This was assumed 
to be medieval in date and was interpreted as a malting oven. The malting process does 
require a water supply and this could also have been a secondary function of these features. 

If this collection of features were associated with sheepskin processing or tawing then we 
may have evidence for one of the pits for initial immersion of the skins; a trough, cistern, 
flagged surface and culvert for washing hides between immersions or during dyeing and a 
kiln or hearth that may have been associated with making lime, or perhaps associated with 
the dyeing of the leather goods. The small number of immersion pits would suggest that this 
operation was small in scale when compared to the tawing activities going on in urban 
centres of the same period in places like Doncaster, York, Sheffield and Pontefract. It is 
possible that the tawing complex had a secondary function as it may also have been used for 
malting. There is far less evidence for this interpretation however. 

A possible horse engine 

In the southeastern comer of the site there was a stone socket (Fig. 19 and 36) set into a 
cobble surface, which was dated to the seventeenth century. The socket could have been 
used to hold a large upright timber, as the opening was 0.4m wide. One possible interpretation 
for this would be if it had been part of a horse engine. After 1790, there were many examples 
of horse engines or ‘gins’ adopted in farms to drive the new threshing machines (Harrison 
1973). These were strong upright timbers that could be turned using horses fixed to radial 
arms. The turning shaft would then power machinery usually housed in an adjacent bam. 
The distinctive polygonal open sided structure surrounding these gins was known as the 
wheelhouse (ibid). There are few known examples earlier than the eighteenth century but it 
is acknowledged that the technology did exist as early as the fourteenth century (Harrison 
1973; Raistrick 1973; Crossley 1990). There are late medieval references to horse mills from 
Nostell Priory and Stansfield, West Yorkshire (Faull and Moorhouse 1981) and the horse 

drawn ‘edge-runner mill’ is also known, which “by the eighteenth century was 

widespread’’ (Raistrick 1973, 126). These mills would have been designed for a variety of 
purposes. The eighteenth century examples were used to cmsh cider apples or animal feed 
(Harrison 1973) and the edge-runner mill would have been useful to dyeing houses, mortar 
mills and tanneries for crushing bark (Raistrick 1 973). Much of the machinery used in these 
mills would have been of wood or moveable stone and they were not enclosed with structures 
before the eighteenth century so this might explain the few known examples. The stone 
socket would have provided a strong basis for an upright timber and this could have fed 
power through an overhead engine to a grinding stone set upon the nearby flag surface 
(2049). Given that there might have been tawing, dyeing or the production of lime on this site 
then this mill could have been used to cmsh up material for any one of these processes. 

The re-use of the cross shaft 

The stone socket that may have been part of a horse engine, has been identified as a 
medieval cross shaft base (see below) probably dating from the thirteenth century (P. 
Sidebottom pers. comm). Its re-use in a mundane context in the seventeenth century is 


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highly significant as a reminder of the wider political and social climate at this time. David 
Hey notes that in South Yorkshire, “ Stone crosses were once a common feature of the 
medieval landscape ... ” (2003, 127). Many South Yorkshire villages had stone crosses and 
these were often used to mark the site of markets or fairs. The bases of some of these crosses 
are still preserved in churches at places like Bamburgh and Rawmarsh but in most places 
they have been dismantled. This often took place during the Reformation in the sixteenth 
century (Hey 2003, 127). There was a stone cross in the centre of Sprotbrough village until 
1520 when it was pulled down. The Ordnance Survey record housed in the Sites and 
Monuments Record ( South Yorkshire Archaeology Advisory Service) notes that, 

“A cross not far from Sprotbrough church was erected during the reign of Henry the 

fifth and pulled down in 1520. It bore an inscription in brass, informing strangers of 

the hospitality available for travellers. ” (SMR ref. PIN401). 

There were several other stone crosses on roads leading out of the village and some of 
these were moved in the nineteenth century during road improvements. The site of the 
central village cross is marked on some Ordnance Survey maps (ie Fig. 1) and in 1999 a new 
stone cross was erected to commemorate the new millennium. It seems likely that this stone 
socket was originally the base of the Sprotbrough market cross which was taken down in the 
sixteenth century and then re-used in the seventeenth century, possibly within a horse 
engine. 

During the sixteenth and seventeenth century there was an increasingly strong suspicion 
of the Roman Catholic faith as protestant views became dominant. Standing stone crosses 
were often seen as ‘ monuments of idolatry and superstition ’ (Moreland 1999, 201) and 
many were systematically dismantled. There are many cases where these crosses were 
deliberately incorporated into more profane settings and re-used in, “walls, chimneys, 
benches, bridges and ...stiles ’’(Moreland 1999, 201). This was seen as a means of negating 
their idolatrous powers in the emerging protestant climate. In this light it is perfectly possible 
that the Sprotbrough cross base was deliberately incorporated into the horse engine not 
simply for its functional use but also to subvert its religious symbolism. 

Dating and context of the industrial activities 

The finds associated with the phase five features consisted mainly of glass, pottery and 
clay pipes. The dating of all three types of artefact points to a period between 1650 and 1680 
for when this material was deposited. The glass is likely to be later than 1650 and earlier than 
1680, although some possible onion bottles were present that may be later in date. The 
pottery assemblage was overwhelmingly characterised by mid to late seventeenth century 
wares but did contain some earlier residual material. The lack of slipwares with later typological 
features suggested that the period of deposition stopped abruptly around 1680, a similar 
date to that suggested by the glass assemblage. The majority of the small assemblage of 
clay pipes also dated from the mid to late seventeenth century. 

During the English Civil War (1642-1648) Godfrey Copley, the lord of the manor of 
Sprotbrough supported the royalist cause (Klemperer 2003, 220). Following the war, he was 
fined heavily by Parliament who declared him a ‘delinquent’ for his allegiance to the crown 
(ibid). He had to pay fines to the state and was forced to sell some of his land. Once these 


SPROTBROUGH 


269 


accounts were settled and the fines paid, the remaining estates were released from 
sequestration and returned to him in 1649. When the monarchy was restored he was 
compensated by the new king, Charles the second and made a baronet on the 17th June 1661 
(ibid, 221). Following this he is alleged to have knocked down the ‘Old Hall’ in Sprotbrough 
around 1671 . This led to the eventual construction of the much larger Sprotbrough Hall and 
its designed landscape park from around 1 685. The new hall was surrounded by an extensive 
and ornate landscape park with elaborate water features, tree-lined avenues and stables, 
which were all illustrated in the engraving of 1709 (Fig. 3). 

The period when this site was used for tawing and other related activities (c.1650 to 
c.1680) spans the time of Cromwell’s parliament but extends beyond it into the reign of 
Charles the second. The phase of light industry coincides closely with the downturn in 
fortunes of the Copley family. The manor house where the Copleys lived was close by and 
the site of these excavations probably still formed part of the manorial complex. This new 
use for the land may be related to the need to generate wealth during this time. As soon as 
their fortunes were renewed, this phase of light industrial activity was quickly abandoned 
and preparations made for the building of the hall in 1685. 

Archaeological excavations in many towns in West and South Yorkshire have unearthed 
evidence for tawing throughout the late medieval and post-medieval period. This must have 
been a thriving industry developed on the back of increasingly intensive sheep farming for 
the developing textile industry. The York tawing sites have been linked to the production of 
high quality parchments, known to have been produced in the town (O’Connor 1984). 
Doncaster was a thriving market town in the seventeenth century and a major market for 
sheep fleeces linked to rural economies of Nottinghamshire, Lincolnshire and 
Nottinghamshire (Buckland et al 1989). Although much evidence has been forthcoming 
from the towns of this period this is the first time we have been able to identify these kind of 
small-scale industrial activities in one of the villages of South Yorkshire. 

THE EIGHTEENTH TO TWENTIETH CENTURIES 

The site of the excavations lay within the landscape park of Sprotbrough Hall but little 
evidence from the eighteenth or nineteenth century was recovered. The watching brief and 
evaluation, on the other hand, did identify remains of this date associated with the landscape 
park and garden. When Sprotbrough Hall was first built in the late seventeenth century a 
stable block was also constructed just east of the excavations and this may have been built 
over the site of the former manor house, demolished in 1 67 1 (Klemperer 2003). The engraving 
of 1709 records this early stables as well as a long building to the west of which there was no 
trace in the excavations (Fig. 3). The wall recorded on the engraving to the west of this was 
still standing when the excavations were underway but has since been demolished. The 
stables were re-built in 1750 on the same site and this building has been incorporated into 
the housing development. Throughout the later eighteenth century the excavation site lay 
alongside the stables. 

This part of the park was used as the kitchen gardens from the late eighteenth century 
when the geometric patterns of the park were replaced with more naturalistic elements. The 
planting pits identified in the evaluation and watching brief were part of the earlier, geometric, 
phase. Likewise the ornamental canal was backfilled at some point during a major landscaping 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


event. Some of the walls that formed part of the original park were retained however and can 
be seen on both the 1709 engraving (Fig. 3) and the 1891 OS map (Fig. 2). Two of these walls 
were recorded during the watching brief. 

In the nineteenth century the kitchen gardens contained regular blocks for fruit trees, 
vegetables and flowers as well as several large stove-houses for growing more exotic fruits 
and plants (Klemperer 2003). These were located to the west of the excavation area. A 
number of other buildings were constructed over the site probably during the eighteenth 
century and they were demolished immediately prior to the excavations. These buildings 
were arranged down the east side of area one and the west side of area two (Fig. 1). 

The brick structures uncovered by our excavations were probably constructed in the 
early twentieth century when this area was still being used as kitchen gardens. This usage 
continued after 1926 when Sprotbrough Hall was demolished. The greenhouse in area one 
was not marked on the 1930 OS 25” map but does appear on an aerial photograph taken in 
the 1920s when the dwelling to the south of the excavation site was under construction. 
This either means that the greenhouse did not last for very long (it had been taken down by 
1 930) or that it was omitted from this particular edition of the map. 

CONCLUSIONS 

These excavations have provided a remarkable window into the long and varied history of 
Sprotbrough, highlighting the rich archaeological potential of this, and probably other, South 
Yorkshire villages. The coins, pottery and metalwork from before the Norman Conquest have 
shown that there was a wealthy household close to the site between the eighth and eleventh 
centuries AD. This has confirmed suspicions centred on the place-name, that this was one of 
a group of defensive settlements in the pre-Conquest period. The recent discoveries from both 
Sprotbrough and Conisbrough strongly suggest that both sites were significant settlements 
during the Anglo-Saxon period. Further work in the heart of these and other burh villages is 
essential to understand more about the nature of these important settlements. 

A collection of poorly understood pits and post-holes were earlier than this phase and 
this raises the question of the origins of the post Roman settlement. Did it originate in the 
early Anglo-Saxon period or could it have earlier roots? 

The site probably formed part of the medieval manorial complex belonging to the Fitzwilliam 
family. A high status building with tiled roof may have been built of stone. Judging by the 
internal stone-lined well it was probably used as a washing house. The building lasted for 
five or six decades and after the late thirteenth century the site appears to have been un- 
occupied for several hundred years. 

The manor of Sprotbrough passed to the Copley family in the sixteenth century. The 
subsequent phase of occupation on the site may be related to the downturn in this family’s 
fortunes during the period of Cromwell’s Parliament. For a few decades from the mid 
seventeenth century, the site was probably used for tawing, the processing of sheepskins 
to make high quality white leather. Other processes such as dyeing, lime burning or even 
malting could also have been taking place here. This light industrial phase came to an end in 
the late seventeenth century. This coincided with the period around 1685 when Sprotbrough 
Hall was constructed. The short-lived period of light industry provides a fascinating glimpse 


SPROTBROUGH 


271 


into the changing fortunes of the landed gentry during the seventeenth century. It is rare to 
find evidence for this kind of industrial activity outside of the towns. This highlights how 
little we know of village life in South Yorkshire, even from this fairly recent period. 

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 

A big thank you to all the people who worked on the excavations in all three episodes of digging, 
especially Anthony Brown who supervised much of the fieldwork and carried out the watching brief. 
Thanks to all the specialists who provided reports especially Alan Vince who managed most of the 
finds analyses. For the report, the graphics and formatting were done by Marie-Claire Ferguson. The 
finds were drawn by Dave Watts, Charlotte Bentley and Marie-Claire Ferguson. I am grateful to Chris 
Cumberpatch and Paul Buckland, for commenting on a version of the final text and to David Crossley 
and Phil Sidebottom for their ideas. Thanks also to Jim Rylatt for pointing me towards the World 
Archaeology article by John Moreland. The work was funded by Bryant Homes Ltd. 

It has taken a long time and a lot of effort to bring this site to completion and much of the credit 
should go to Roy Sykes of the South Yorkshire Archaeology Advisory Service for all his support. A 
number of consultants working for EC Harris Ltd have been involved in the management of the 
fieldwork and post-excavation analysis. They include Nansi Rosenberg, Tony Walsh, Alison McDonald 
and Carmel Woods. The final version of the text has benefited greatly from many helpful comments 
made by the anonymous referee. 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


THE POTTERY 

by Alan Vince and Kate Steane 

The pottery assemblage consisted of 1074 sherds of pottery, representing no more than 
796 vessels and weighing in total 20.354 kg. The pottery ranged in date from the Roman 
period through to the nineteenth century and included sherds of Anglo-Scandinavian wares 
of types not previously recognised in South Yorkshire. The main periods of activity on the 
site, however, were considerably later. There is a large amount of pottery of later twelfth to 
early thirteenth century date and a second peak in the mid to late seventeenth century. Most 
of the pottery used in the medieval and post-medieval periods was locally made, mostly 
coming from Doncaster, but in the seventeenth century a number of imported Rhenish 
stoneware vessels and flasks produced in northern France were used. All of the pottery was 
examined, either by eye or with the aid of a binocular microscope at x20 magnification, and 
assigned to a common name code. The codes used are based on those in use in Lincolnshire 
and East Yorkshire, both of which areas share a number of the same wares. They are also 
compatible with archive reports by Alan Vince for pottery from sites in North Yorkshire, 
principally the City of York. Where possible, vessels were also assigned a form code. The 
form classification used is based on that published by the Medieval Pottery Research Group 
(1998). 

Description 

The pottery is described here in chronological groups. In some cases the sherds were 
stratified in later deposits or were unstratified and in some cases the sherds were recovered 
from deposits, which probably pre-date the use of the pottery. 

Roman 

Three sherds of Romano-British pottery were found. All come from greyware jars with a 
fine, sandy fabric and burnished external surfaces. Such vessels were probably produced 
locally between the second and fourth centuries AD. 

Anglo-Scandinavian (Fig. 22) 

Eleven sherds, representing no more than ten vessels are of types, which are definitely of 
pre-conquest date. Two of these were probably made in the York area (YORKA and YORKD) 
and two were probably made somewhere in the Trent valley, including sherds fromTorksey. 


Code 

Name 

Earliest date 

LFS 

Lincoln Fine Shelled ware 

Late 10 th C 

LEMS 

Lincoln Early Medieval Shelly ware 

Mid 12 Lh C 

NLEMS 

North Lincolnshire Early Medieval Shelly ware 

Mid 12 th C 

NLFS 

NLST 

North Lincolnshire Fine Shelled ware 

North Lincolnshire Shelly ware 

Late 10 th C 


Table 2. Early medieval shell tempered pottery. 


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273 


Twelfth to thirteenth centuries 

Three hundred and ninety-five sherds of pottery, representing no more than 25 1 vessels 
and weighing 5.709 kg are of types dating to the twelfth or thirteenth centuries. The majority 
of this pottery was probably made in Doncaster, where kilns and waste of twelfth and 
thirteenth-century date have been excavated at Hallgate and the Market Place (Buckland et 
al 1979; 1989). The products of these kilns were made in several distinctly different fabrics 
(DONCA, DONCB, DONCC, DONCF). 

Alongside these Doncaster wares, most of which were glazed jugs, were a range of shell- 
tempered wares, which are thought mainly to be of Lincolnshire origin (although this requires 
scientific analysis to confirm). Some of these wares are identical visually to those used in 
Lincoln in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries (LEMS, LFS) whilst others are of types found 
on sites in the north of the county (NLEMS, NLFS, NLST) (Fig. 23-24). All other wares were 
present in small numbers only. They consist of three vessels of Beverley ware (BEVOIA, 
BEV02, BEV02B), three gritty whiteware vessels (YG) and one unsourced vessel (MED). 

Later medieval 

There is a scarcity of later medieval pottery from the site with only two wares of this date 
being present. One of these, Coal Measures Whiteware (CMW) was produced at numerous 
centres in the midlands and north of England but by far the closest to Sprotbrough were at 
Firsby, near Comsbrough, a few kilometres to the southwest of the site, and Rawmarsh, 
further to the southwest but still within 20 km of the site. The second ware, Humber ware, 
was also produced at several centres, of which the closest known to Sprotbrough was at 
West Cowick, near Snaith and the lower reaches of the Don. 

Sixteenth and seventeenth centuries 

Sherds of 467 vessels of sixteenth 
and seventeenth-century date were 
found at Sprotbrough. The majority of 
these sherds have a fine silty fabric 
similar to that of Humber ware, and are 
indeed probably products of a pottery 
somewhere in the Humber wetlands 
using alluvial clay. Some are quite light 
coloured, and in one case a body sherd 
with a Humber fabric had a sherd of a 
light-firing vessel attached to it and 
covered with glaze. It is not known 
where the white-firing clays were 
obtained from, but the most likely 
source would be the Coal Measures of 
South or West Yorkshire. These wares 
have been divided into groups based 
on their method of glaze or decoration, 
a distinction, which may lead to sherds 
of a single vessel being given different 


> 






* 


? 


v 


0 10 
centimetres 


i 4 


Fig. 22. Anglo-Scandinavian pottery: 1. York A ware; 2. 
York D ware; 3-4. Torksey ware. 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


codes. However, this classification is standard within Yorkshire, for example in the publications 
of the post-medieval pottery from Hull and Beverley, and has some justification in that 
contemporary references suggest that the classification was recognised at the time these pots 
were made. Vessels with a mottled brown glaze are classed as Brown Glazed Earthenware 
(BERTH), those with a black glaze are classed as Blackwares (BL) and those with a white slip 
are classed as slipwares (SLIP). In each case, where the silty Humber fabric was identified this 
is noted as a subfabric. Post-medieval plain lead-glazed earthenwares with a silty Humber 
fabric are, conversely, termed Late Humber ware (LHUM). 

A smaller quantity of pottery was made in finer-textured clays in which no inclusions 
could be seen in the groundmass (although larger inclusions might be present). These 
wares are identified as being made with Coal Measure white-firing and red-firing clays (or 
sometimes a mixture of the two). They are subdivided, again, according to the colour of the 
body, treatment and the range of forms produced. They are undoubtedly the products of 
several different areas but probably include vessels from West Yorkshire, Staffordshire and 
Derbyshire (CSTN, MY, MP, STMO, STRE, STSL). A small number of fine ware vessels were 
present, mostly tin glazed ware (TGW), and imported stonewares (FREC and WEST) and 
unglazed stoneware and earthenware flasks (MART). There appears to be a late seventeenth 
century cut-off date for the post-medieval assemblage and it is likely that this corresponds 
to the rebuilding of the house in 1685. There is no similarly sharp starting date but it seems 
that the majority of the collection dates towards the end of the period (i.e. mid to late 
seventeenth century) rather than the beginning. 

Eighteenth and nineteenth centuries 

Eighty two sherds of pottery of eighteenth to nineteenth century date were present, 
weighing 2.228 kg. Most of these are factory-made vessels but they include a high proportion 
of locally made flowerpots (LPMLOC). The factory made products include Nottingham and 



Fig. 23. Shell tempered 
ware: 1. NLEMSjar rim. 
Mid twelfth to mid 
thirteenth century; 2. 
NLFS jar rim twelfth 
century; 3. LEMSjar rim. 
Mid twelfth century; 4. 
NLFS jar rim. Late 
eleventh to mid twelfth 
century; 5. NLFSjar rim 
twelfth century. 


0 


10 


centimetres 


SPROTBROUGH 


275 




Fig. 24. Shell tempered 
ware: 1. NLSTjar rim. 

Late twelfth century to mid 
thirteenth century; 2. 
NLSTjar rim. Late twelfth 
century to mid thirteenth 
century; 3. NLEMSjar 
rim. Mid twelfth to mid 
thirteenth century; 4. 
NLEMSjar rim. Mid 
twelfth to mid thirteenth 
century; 5. NLEMSjar 
rim. Mid twelfth to mid 
thirteenth century. 



centimetres 


Derbyshire stonewares (NOTS and DERBS), buff-bodied kitchen wares (NCBW), whitewares 
(WHITE), Pearl wares (PEAR) and transfer-printed wares (TPW). Excluding the flowerpots, 
the collection is very small and includes vessels used for serving food and drink, chamber 
pots, a blackleading bottle - which was used as a container for graphite, used for polishing 
ironwork, especially in fireplaces, and bowls used both for food preparation (NCBW) and 
serving (PEAR and TPW). There are no sherds of definitely early to mid eighteenth-century 
wares in the collection, and no sherds of Creamware, which was at its height of popularity in 
the last third of the eighteenth century. The collection seems, as a group, to date to the 
middle of the nineteenth century. 

STRATIGRAPHIC CONTEXT 
Phase One 

No pottery was recovered from phase one deposits, which did produce a cast copper alloy 
object and some slag of Iron Age or early Roman date. This may suggest that pottery was 
not in common use in the Sprotbrough area before the Roman period. 

Phase Two 

Six sherds of pottery were recovered from the buried soil, which existed over most of the 
site. One of these sherds is of Roman date and the remainder are of Anglo-Scandinavian to 
Saxo-Norman date (Table 3). Two of the sherds are of types, which were probably only 
current in the late ninth or mid tenth centuries (YORKA and YORKD) and three of types, 
which were probably of eleventh or twelfth century date. The two Anglo-Saxon coins from 
the deposit, and the mid Saxon copper alloy pin indicate activity in the eighth or ninth 
centuries, but there is no pottery of this date from the site. As in the pre-Roman Iron Age, it 
is likely that this area was one in which pottery was little used during the mid Saxon period. 


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Context 

Phase 

code 

subfabric Form 

Nosh NoV 

Weight 

2028 

2 

NLFS 

JAR 1 

1 

6 

2046 

2 

RPOT 

GREY JAR 1 

1 

15 

3093 

2 

YORKD 

JAR 1 

1 

42 

4006 

2 

NLFS 

JAR 1 

1 

3 

4013 

2 

NLFS 

JAR 1 

1 

10 

4013 

2 

YORKA 

JAR 1 

1 

22 


Table 3. Pottery from phase two contexts. 

Phase Three 

Two hundred and ten sherds of pottery were recovered from phase three deposits. Of 
these, one is a residual ninth or tenth century sherd and eight are of late medieval or later 
date. Most of the latter must be intrusive from later deposits and all are small sherds. The 
remaining 195 sherds are all of mid twelfth to early thirteenth century date and include a 
number of Lincolnshire shell-tempered types whose equivalent types in Lincoln are found 
primarily in mid to late twelfth century deposits (Table 2). A small quantity of pottery comes 
from levels pre-dating or associated with the construction of the phase three building. Some 
come from a pit sealed by the floor of the building, indicating that it was not the first human 
activity on the site. These finds are all assigned to phase 3a. 

Another group of pottery could be assigned to features and contexts contemporary with 
the use of the building (phase 3b) and a final group, phase 3c, comes from the demolition 
spread over the site of the building and from the fill of the re-cut ditch associated with it. 
There is very little difference in the character of the pottery from these three sub-phases. 
Most of the pottery comes from the Doncaster potteries and examples of fabrics A, B, C and 
F are present, with no evidence for differences in the relative frequency of the types through 
time. The dating of the individual Lincolnshire shelly ware vessels by Jane Young seems to 
agree well with the stratigraphic sequence. On her dating, assuming that there are no intrusive 
sherds in the medieval collection, phase 3a would be mid twelfth century or later, phase 3b 
would be late twelfth century or later whilst phase 3c is also late twelfth century or later. 

Phase Four 

Many sherds come from the upper fills of the re-cut ditch (group 1 1 ) and are mainly of 
similar character to those from Phase 3c. The next largest assemblage comes from various 
deposits of burnt waste, which produced twenty four sherds of CMW. All but two of these 
were high-fired examples similar to those made at Rawmarsh. Pottery from dumped and 
charcoal-rich deposits, contexts 2007, 2019 and 2020, is similar to that from phase three and 
probably re-deposited from that phase. 

The remaining deposits in phase four produced assemblages, which contain a mixture of 
types present in Phase 3c and CMW vessels. The sherds from context 2018, a possible 
midden, include two Rawmarsh types and two residual earlier medieval. The remainder contain 
CMW wares, which might be from Firsby and of later thirteenth, fourteenth or fifteenth- 
century date (contexts 2027 and 3048). 


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277 


Phase Five 

Two hundred and seventy nine sherds of pottery were recovered from phase five deposits. 
Of these, sixteen are of definitely residual types and are probably residual from phase three. 
Most of these come from dump deposits (group 10) or construction fills where disturbance 
of earlier deposits might be expected. Pottery of the type found in phase four (mainly CMW 
and HUM) was only slightly more common, twenty three sherds. 

The remaining pottery, 248 sherds, are of types current in the later sixteenth to mid 
seventeenth centuries. The largest groups come from construction levels and make-up 
deposits (groups 10 and 6) and these contain mid seventeenth century wares. Thus, the 
majority of the pottery in this phase was actually deposited in the mid seventeenth century 
or later, although it may include earlier material. Two Staffordshire Mottled glazed ware 
sherds were present. This ware was not produced until the very late seventeenth century 
but it is argued here that these are actually late eighteenth/nineteenth century examples and 
intrusive. 

Phase Six 

One hundred and ninety one sherds of pottery were recovered from phase six deposits. 
Most come from dumped deposits (186 sherds, contexts 1083, 2054, 2055, 4000, 4051) with 
five sherds coming from a cobbled path 2057. Almost all the sherds present are of types 
found in earlier phases, from phase two onwards. The only types present in this phase and 
not before are a Westerwald stoneware vessel and a possible TGW crespina. Both could be 
of mid seventeenth century date and their absence from phase five is probably only an 
indication of the relatively small size of collection and the fact that the assemblage of mid 
seventeenth-century pottery from phase six is almost as large as that from phase five. 

Phase Seven 

One hundred and ten sherds of pottery were recovered from phase seven deposits. Of 
these, sixty six are of mid seventeenth century or earlier types and have clearly been re- 
deposited during construction of phase seven features and dumps. The remaining thirty 
four sherds are of five types: LPMLOC flower pots, NCBW, PEAR, STMO and TPW. The 
high proportion of flowerpot sherds is consistent with their context, within a large landscape 
garden. Many of these sherds come from the construction levels of garden features whereas 
in three cases, culvert 4061, ditch 3047 and ditch 2066 the flowerpot sherds come from the 
fills of the features and may have been used nearby. The collection, as a whole suggests that 
most of these alterations took place in the mid nineteenth century or later. 

DISCUSSION 
Evidence for re-deposition 

In seven instances, sherds of the same vessel were present in different contexts. They 
provide a close as to the site formation processes acting on the site. The following two families 
were the most significant. 

Sherd family one consists of MY bowl fragments from a group six wall and a group 1 0 wall in 
phase five together with sherds in a phase seven dump. Clearly, the two walls were constructed 
at the same time and debris from their demolition was incorporated into phase seven dumping. 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 



Fig. 25. Medieval and post- 
medieval pottery: 1. 

(above) Black glazed 
earthenware. Mid sixteenth 
to late seventeenth century; 
2. (below) Doncaster 
Hallgate A ware. Mid 
twelfth to mid thirteenth 
century. 


o 


10 


centimetres 


Sherd family two consists of sherds from a MY chamber pot, from a phase five group 1 0 pit 
3036 backfill and building foundation. In this case the probable explanation is that the pit 
was backfilled at the same time as the building was constructed. 

Source of pottery 

The nearest market to Sprotbrough, Doncaster, lies on a navigable river, the Don, with 
easy access to the Humber ports (Hull and Barton) and to the Trent river system. Excavations 
in the town reflect those connections and include a variety of medieval and post-medieval 
non local wares. The Sprotbrough collection, by contrast, is dominated by very few sources, 
and where these are known or can be surmised they are close to the site. Doncaster itself 
supplied the majority of the twelfth to thirteenth century pottery, Firsby and Rawmarsh the 
majority of the later medieval pottery and a single unknown Humber source provided most 
of the later sixteenth to seventeenth century pottery. 

The only exceptions to this rule are in the pre conquest period, when the little pottery 
present is all of types made outside of the immediate area, and the shell-tempered wares, 
which probably came to the site from two directions: by river up the Don and overland from 
the Trent crossing at Littleborough. Interestingly, there are no sherds of the contemporary 
glazed wares produced in Lincolnshire in the collection. 

Although there are differences in the actual sources of supply through time, the general 
pattern does not change from the later twelfth to the mid seventeenth century. Imported 
pottery is not found until the late sixteenth or seventeenth centuries and then consists of 


SPROTBROUGH 


279 


wares, which are widely distributed types, to be expected in any large assemblage of the 
period. 

Status 

The use of pottery to express social position in the medieval and post medieval periods is 
difficult to interpret. The presence of non local and imported wares may be an indication but 
is also likely to be affected by the business contacts of the household concerned (the clay 
tobacco pipes, for example, suggest a connection in the seventeenth century with the 
Homcastle area, although this is not reflected in the pottery). It has been suggested for the 
twelfth and thirteenth centuries that the relative quantity of jars to jugs is an indicator of 
status, since the higher status sites would have used metal vessels in preference to ceramic 
ones. It is probable that higher status households actually used more jugs than lower status 
ones since they would have been more involved in hosting feasts where such vessels could 
be used for display. On these criteria, the phase three structure may be interpreted as a high 
status structure. 

Activities 

The pottery collection sheds little light on activities taking place on the site. Almost all of 
the collection consists of vessels used in the preparation and serving of food and drink with 
no particular concentration noticeable on any one aspect of these activities, such as might 
indicate the location of kitchens or dining areas nearby. This is probably because the pottery 
has clearly been through a number of processes before being eventually discarded. 
Exceptions to this rule can be seen where there are numerous sherds from the same vessel 
found in the same context. Examples of this occur in the filling of the recut of the phase three 
ditch (group 11) which contain smashed jug sherds from at least three separate vessels, a 
smashed DONCB jar recovered from the phase 3c dump over the site of the demolished 
structure (good supporting evidence for an early demise of the building), three separate 
Rawmarsh type CMW vessels, all associated with burnt material in phases four to five, and 
a BERTH bowl found in the filling of a stone channel in phase five. FREC belarmine bottles 
from phase six and seven dumps are probably an exception in that it is quite likely that these 
vessels were complete until recent times as they are very robust vessels. 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


THE GLASS 
by Alan Vince 

One hundred and eighteen fragments of glass were recovered from no more than sixty four 
objects. The assemblage weighs in total 3.205 kg. The majority of the glass can be dated to 
the middle of the seventeenth century with a small quantity of nineteenth century material 
(Table 4). 

DESCRIPTION 
Dark Green Glass 

All of the dark green glass found in the excavations came from blown vessels. The glass 
itself varies in condition and this is thought to be due mainly to differences in the composition 
and treatment of the vessels rather than to burial conditions. The glass all comes from 
bottles. Only three forms were positively identified: square case bottles, shaft-and-globe 
bottles and tall bottles. The case bottles (Fig. 26) all occur in the very weathered glass, the 
shaft-and-globe bottles are mainly in the same glass but include one example with no 
weathering. The case bottles were free-blown and the sides flattened on a marver. Only three 
vessels were present. No rims were identified but they are presumably similar to those of the 
shaft-and-globe bottles (Fig. 27). 

The shaft-and-globe bottles were identified by the sub-biconical form and narrow base, 
both of which contrast with the slightly later ‘onion’ bottles (Fig. 26). The rim and neck of the 
bottles is also distinctive, with a single applied trail of glass wrapped once around the neck 
with no subsequent forming. The rim itself is flat. Twenty two vessels were present. A single 
fragment from a stamped bottle seal was present (Fig. 28). Its condition suggests that it is 
from a shaft-and-globe bottle. 





10 


centimetres 



0 




centimetres 


2 

5 


Fig. 26. Seventeenth century 
glass vessel bases: 1 . Case 
bottle; 2-4. Shaft and globe 
botdes. 



centimetres 

Fig. 28. Stamped seal 
from seventeenth 
century shaft and 
globe botde. 


Fig.27. Seventeenth century glass 
vessel necks from shaft and globe 
botdes. 



SPROTBROUGH 


3 

£ CM 

r * 

c3 

in 

o 

GO 

cl 




^t 1 

lO 


CO 


CM 


o ^ 

I> CM CM l> 


3 

T5 

u 

QJ 

■5 

0 


CM 


CD 

cn 


<D 

r* 

fH 

S 

G 

CJ 

<u 


CO 


CO 


CO 


C/5 

o 

CO 

o 

CO 

_c 

u 


CD 

CL 

D 

0 

Vh 

G 


VO 


CM 


l> 


QO 


CL CM 

D 

0 

!— i 

o 


00 


CM 


00 

If) 


o 

CM CD 


L 

CJ 

C/5 

<D 

Q 


G 

G 

g 

I— I 

Cl 

G 

z 

o 


g 

z 


G 

o 

CO 

Z 

HH 

G 

Q 

H 

G 

£ 

g 

G 

G 

0 

Cl 


3 £ 


& 


H 

O 

CQ 


G 

U 

G 


G 

z 


G 

H 


G 



Z 

G 


hH 

CO 

hH 

0 


s 

G 


2 

Q 

r^. 

S 

G 

Q 


G 


O 


H 

§ z 

G O 
co e 

^ + + + 

G co co co 


GOO 


Z 

o 

o 

G G 
+ + 
co co 


Q 

Z 


O-. 

CM 

CO 

O 

CO 

G 

G 

PC 

s 

G 

Z 

H 

X 

g 

H 

Z 

o 

G 


Q Q 

z z 


281 


Table 4. Glass objects from phase five features and groups. (‘S and G’ refers to shaft and globe bottles) . 


282 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


Light Green Glass 

Two types of light green glass were present. One was heavily weathered and may in fact 
be the same composition as the weathered dark green bottles, but appear lighter in colour 
because of the difference in thickness. The other is slightly weathered or unweathered and 
of later date. 

Only eleven objects in light green glass were present. Two of these come from bell jars 
(possibly the same vessel); two come from moulded bottles with free blown necks and rims. 
One of these bottles has a moulded inscription: ‘GOODALL BAC.\ This is identified as a 
Yorkshire Relish bottle made by Goodall, Backhouse & Co. in the later nineteenth or early 
twentieth century. The remaining seven fragments are window glass and range from being 
moderately weathered to being heavily weathered. 

Light Blue Glass 

Fragments of six vessels in light blue glass were found. None showed any sign of 
weathering. One fragment came from a moulded bottle with a circular or oval cross section. 
Two came from square bottles and three from window glass. Glass with a very similar 
appearance to this was used in the Roman period but is rare thereafter. Light blue window 
glass of similar appearance to these pieces was first used in London in the rebuilding after 
the great fire of 1666. The moulded bottle however is likely to be nineteenth or twentieth 
century in date. The square bottles seem to have been marvered rather than moulded. 

Clear Glass 

Five fragments of clear glass were present. One of these was a thin-walled flask (or even 
light bulb) body sherd and the remainder were thick window glass fragments. Although 
thick (2-3 mm) crystal glass mirrors were being made in the later seventeenth century these 
pieces show no sign of silvering and no difference in polish from one side to the other and 
are probably twentieth century. 

STRATIGRAPHIC CONTEXT 
Phase Four 

Only two fragments of glass come from contexts assigned to phase four (later medieval). 
However, they are clear glass (the thin-walled flask) or window fragments. This suggests 
that there is modem contamination of this level 2007. 

Phase Five 

Fragments of twenty eight glass objects were recovered from phase five deposits. These 
include two probably modem pieces: a clear window glass fragment from context 3035 and 
a light blue square bottle fragment from context 4113. The remaining pieces include five light 
green window glass fragments, all weathered; a case bottle; seventeen shaft-and-globe 
bottle fragments (including three rim and neck fragments and the seal); and two possible 
onion bottle fragments. The latter sherds, if they definitely come from onion bottles, ought 
to date to the 1680s or later and come from contexts 3031 and 3035. In the latter case, the 
context also produced a large collection of shaft-and-globe bottle fragments from at least 
five vessels. 


SPROTBROUGH 


283 


It is notable that the case bottle fragments all come from the fill of phase five features with 
none coming from the dump and construction deposits, which mark the start of the phase. 
They were therefore deposited somewhat later than the shaft-and-globe bottles and probably 
came to the site as primary refuse rather than being dumped on the site from occupation 
elsewhere. 

Phase Six 

Only twelve fragments of glass come from deposits assigned to phase six. One is a piece 
of clear window glass and is probably a modem intmsion. The remainder are of identical 
character to those in phase five and are presumably evidence for the reworking of phase five 
deposits in phase six. 

Phase Seven 

The pottery from phase seven shows a similar pattern to phase six, as does the glass, 
which consists of a mixture of residual seventeenth century pieces (one window, three 
shaft-and-globe bottles and one case bottle) and four late mneteenth/twentieth century 
pieces from context 2005, the backfill of a brick tank. These consist of a dark green tall wine 
bottle, one of the two pieces of bell jar, a light green moulded bottle and the light green 
Yorkshire Relish bottle. 

DISCUSSION 

The seventeenth century glass from Sprotbrough Gardens is an interesting and remarkable 
collection. It includes no fmeware fragments at all but a large collection of wine bottles of 
two (possibly three) forms: the case bottle and the shaft-and-globe form. Case bottles, so- 
called because they were made to be stored in wooden cases, do not show any typological 
features which can be dated (or at least their bases, which is all that is present here, do not) 
but shaft-and-globe vessels are dated quite tightly, to between c.1650 and c.1680. A large 
mbbish deposit in Moorfields, City of London, excavated in the 1980s and dated to the later 
1640s or early 1650s, showed that even in the City these vessels were not present before 
c.1650 and it is highly unlikely that they would be any earlier in Sprotbrough. There are, 
apparently, some bottles of this form with dated seals of the 1640s but whether those dates 
are actually manufacturing dates may be doubted. 

Therefore those deposits in phase five, which produced fragments of these bottles can be 
dated later than c.1650. Most of these contexts were assigned to groups six and ten, which 
also contain mid seventeenth century slipwares, including sherds from the same vessel in 
walls assigned to both groups, suggesting that they are contemporary. Thus, the group six 
and ten structures were constructed later than c.1650. If the onion bottle fragments from 
group ten are also contemporary then a case could be made for both groups being deposited 
later than c. 1 680, but containing mainly earlier finds. If the group six and ten structures were 
not constructed until later than c. 1650 and possibly later than c. 1680 it is unlikely that they 
can be associated with the manor house which documentary sources suggest was demolished 
in 1 67 1 . However, a c. 1 67 1 date would fit the glass collection well and it is possible that the 
material in the dumps and construction debris of phase five was derived from the clearing 
out of that manor house. The lack of case bottle fragments in these phase five dumps is also 


284 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


interesting, both for the dating evidence it provides (they must have been deposited later 
than c. 1670/80 but before the landscaping of the gardens in phase six) and because it 
provides an archaeological context for the bottles, which were probably used in the phase 
five structures. 

The later glassware from the site mainly seems to be intrusive in earlier deposits but 
includes one later nmeteenth/early twentieth century assemblage from context 2005, which 
includes one of the two fragments of bell jar from the site (the other came from the watching 
brief, context 1005). These were probably used in the gardens for protecting seedlings. 

METAL FINDS 
by Alan Vince 

Twenty six metal artefacts were recovered from excavations at Sprotbrough Gardens, 
Sprotbrough, South Yorkshire. The collection includes one pm of seventh to ninth century 
date, late medieval or early post-medieval cauldron and possible chafing dish fragments and 
one unidentified object which is stratified in a phase one deposit that is otherwise completely 
devoid of finds. 

CATALOGUE 
Copper Alloy 

Five copper alloy artefacts were recovered. One of these was stratified in a group 1 deposit 
in phase one (and is the only artefact from these deposits), one is a seventh to ninth century 
dress pin and the other three are of late medieval to seventeenth century date. 

SF 1. (2 1 84) Phase one group 1 (Fig 29). A fragment of a copper alloy object cast in a one- 
piece mould. The remaining fragment consists of a thin sheet with a roughly semi-circular- 
sectioned ridge, 45 mm long with mouldings at either end, with a semi-circular thin strip on 
one side. This sheet has been wrapped back over the ridge. The identity of this object is 
unknown whilst its archaeological context suggests that it may be prehistoric or Romano- 
British. 

Un-stratified. Cleaning above 2009. (phase three wall) (Fig 30). A polyhedral-headed pin, 
58 mm long and approximately 2mm diameter. The head has six square faces and eight 




0 5 


centimetres 

Fig. 29. Copper alloy object. 



IIIIIHHI MBi 

centimetres 


Fig. 30. Anglo-Saxon polyhedral-headed 
pin (seventh to ninth century). 


SPROTBROUGH 


285 


triangular ones (ie a cube with its comers cut off). 
The shaft is bent at a sharp angle in the middle and 
has a slight swelling in its diameter (maximum 2.5mm) 
in the end closer to the pointed tip. Such pins were 
used for securing items of clothing in the seventh 
to ninth centuries and the bent shaft is typical and 
suggests that the clothing they secured put the pin 
under some strain, a cloak fastened at the neck, for 
example. 

Context 2148. phase four. Fill of stone-lined culvert 
[2147] (Fig 31). A thin rectangular strip, 44mm by 
13mm, with five circular holes, probably for rivets. 
The holes are arranged with two at either end of the 
strip and one in the middle. There is evidence for 
faint incised decoration in a narrow band running 
along one long edge. The strip has a curiously rough surface but no signs of what has 
caused this uneven finish. The strip is possibly a stiffener, riveted onto a leather belt. Sheet 
metalwork decorated with faint incised lines is typical of the later medieval and early post- 
medieval periods, consistent with the phase of the context in which it was found. 

Context 41 13. Phase five. Fill of channel 4079 (Fig 32). The drop handle from a metal vessel. 
The handle consists of a cast attachment with a rivet at the end but no trace of the original 
vessel wall (which would have been 2.5 mm thick) and a trapezoidal drop handle, 39 mm tall 


i 



0 5 

centimetres 

Fig. 3 1 . Copper alloy strip from late 
medieval context. 




Fig. 32. Chafing dish handle. Late medieval. 


286 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 



Fig. 33. Copper cauldron rim. Late medieval. 

and 45 mm wide. Such handles were used, for example, on chafing dishes in the fifteenth, 
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and this is consistent with the date of the deposit 
although the vessel would probably have been of some age by then. 

Context 4109. Phase five. Backfill of construction cut for a trough (Fig. 33). The rim and 
neck of a cast copper alloy cauldron. The rim is sharply everted with a flattened top (facing 
inwards). The fragment has sooting on the exterior. Such vessels were used in the kitchens 
of well-to-do households in the later medieval and early post-medieval periods. 

Iron 

Twenty iron objects were recovered of which the majority were nails whilst those which 
were not nails were in the main clearly of nineteenth century or later date. Three nails were 
recovered from medieval contexts: 2135 phase three (upper fill of pit 2136, associated with 
later twelfth- century pottery) and 3079 phase three group 1 1 . 

A modem wing nut and bolt (marked ACE on one of the wmgs) was recovered from a dump 
assigned to phase 3c (context 2010) and is therefore intrusive. 

The remaining stratified pieces consist of five nails, one inserted through a rhomboid rove 
or washer, one possible bar (which might be a large nail shank) and one rectangular sheet 
with two centrally-placed holes. Such strips were used for binding, for example in chests and 
boxes, and for providing strengthening and protection to wooden objects. All of these 
pieces come from phase five or six deposits which contain mainly seventeenth-century 
material. 

Lead Alloy 

An unstratified lead disk was found during cleaning of 2009. The disk is circular with a 
central circular hole and two smaller opposed oval holes. The metal around these latter holes 
has broken away, suggesting that these holes were used to attach the disk. The precise 
function of the disk is unclear but the regularity of its manufacture suggests a nineteenth 
century or later date, perhaps the backing plate for a door handle (but rather plain) or 
associated with the supply of gas within a house. 

DISCUSSION 

The metalwork from this site m the main confirms the impression gained from other artefacts, 
that the site is close to an important pre-conquest settlement, was occupied in the medieval 
and post-medieval periods and includes a scatter of modem finds. The late medieval to post- 
medieval artefacts include a chafing dish or brazier handle. Such objects were used to either 
provide warmth for personal comfort or to keep food warm. They are shown on Flemish 
genre paintings of the seventeenth century and are probably a sign of reasonable prosperity. 


SPROTBROUGH 


287 


Similarly, the use of cast copper alloy cauldrons was probably also restricted to the more 
wealthy members of society. This provides more support for the idea that the material 
dumped on the site as part of the construction of the phase five buildings originated in the 
manor house demolished in 1671. Neither find is consistent with the light industrial activity 
actually taking place on the site in phase five. 


288 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


ANGLO-SAXON COINS 
by Alan Vince 
DESCRIPTION 

Two Anglo-Saxon coins were recovered from the same deposit, context 4006 (phase two 
buried soil). The coins were stabilised, packaged and x-rayed at Lincoln Conservation 
Laboratory and submitted to Dr Martin Allen at the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, for 
identification (Fig. 34). 

Coin 1. Context 4006. Type North 128. (Series J Type 85 (Rigold Blllb)). Weight 1.07g. 
Obverse: double border of pellets; diademed head right. Reverse: Double border of pellets; 
cross flanked by annulets with bird perched above. Dr Allen comments that the appearance 
and style of this piece suggest that it might be a contemporary imitation. 

Coin 2. Context 4006) Type North 1 79 (Series Y: Alhred). Weight 1 .06g. Legend. ALCHRED. 
Cross. Reverse similar to North 177 (Fantastic quadruped right with long tail and raised 
foreleg), with cross below. The piece was produced for King Alhred of Northumbria between 
765 and 774 AD. 

DISCUSSION 

Coin 1 is a sceat, coins struck on a small ball of silver, often producing cracks around the 
edges, like a squashed pea. The mint for Series J is not known for certain, although Michael 
Metcalf has made a case for York whilst Mark Blackburn suggests, on the basis of the 
distribution of stray finds, that it might have been either at York or the midlands. In southern 
England these coins were superceded in the third quarter of the eighth century by the broad 
flan coinage of Offa and his contemporaries. These coins were struck from sheet metal and 
are consequently both wider and thinner than the earlier coins. By the time the broad flan 




Fig. 34. Anglo-Saxon coins. Coin 1 (left) type N 128; Coin 2 (right) type N 179. 


SPROTBROUGH 


289 


pennies were minted on a significant scale the earlier sceattas were no longer in use and the 
two coinages are separated in time by a period in which little coinage was circulating south 
of the Humber. Coin 2, the Alhred piece, belongs to a period subsequent to the introduction 
of this broad flan coinage on the continent but at a time when little coinage seem to have 
been circulating in Mercia. 

The discovery of these two pieces together might have several implications. Firstly, 
Sprotbrough clearly belongs to the Northumbrian monetary zone during the later eighth 
century. Series Y sceattas circulated most widely in the Yorkshire Wolds but examples have 
been found on sites in the Pennines and the Peak district, as well as on sites south of the 
Humber, mainly in the lower reaches of the Trent valley but also on sites in the Lincolnshire 
Wolds. 

Secondly, the discovery of the two pieces in the same deposit most likely indicates that 
settlement extended over some period of time during the eighth century. However, because 
there was no disruption to coin use in the north, and sceattas continued to circulate in 
Northumbria down to the mid ninth century it could be that the two coins were lost together. 
Dr Blackburn, however, comments that this is unlikely and on balance the best interpretation 
is that context 4006 accumulated over a long period of time and that these are two separate 
casual losses. 

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 

Dr Martin Allen, of the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, identified the coins. Conservation was 
carried out at Lincoln Conservation Laboratory. Dr Mark Blackburn, Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, 
commented on a draft of this note. 


290 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


THE CLAY PIPES 
by Graham Bruce 
DESCRIPTION 

The excavation produced a total of sixty seven fragments of clay tobacco pipe, collected 
from fourteen contexts. This figure includes fragments of five bowl parts, and two stems 
with part bases, which were attributed to types according to Atkinson and Oswald (1969). 

The majority of the datable fragments are from the seventeenth century, the principal 
exception being a bowl fragment from context 3017, which was produced in the first half of 
the nineteenth century. 

DISCUSSION 

Two of the bowl fragments included a makers mark S below an inverted V, stamped upon 
the top of the stem at the junction with the bowl. Although this is a well known mark, both 
nationally (see Atkinson & Oswald, 1969, Fig. 3, No. 17) and within the region (see White, 
1 979, and Wells 1 979 for examples), it has never been attributed to a particular pipemaker. A 
substantial number of these stamps have been recovered from north and east Lincolnshire 
and it has been suggested that they were produced in Homcastle (Wells, 1979, p. 1 63). This 
mark is generally dated to the mid seventeenth to early eighteenth century, which agrees 
with the dating of the bowl type. No other maker’s marks were present. 

One of the bowls included decoration, m the form of Masonic symbols (the early nineteenth 
century example from context 3017). These include superimposed square and compases, 
between coronet topped columns, together with a possible open book motif. The front of 
the bowl also includes leaf decoration. 


SPROTBROUGH 


291 


STONE FINDS 
by Alan Vince 

Nine stone objects were submitted for study but two of these were unworked pebbles (of 
coal and a fine-grained brown sandstone respectively). The remaining objects include a 
worked flint, possibly from a flintlock pistol, a spmdlewhorl, and a hone. 

CATALOGUE 

Medieval 

Spindlewhorl. Context 3123 (phase three ) (Fig 35). A fragmentary spindlewhorl made from 
a black fine-grained material, probably coal from the Coal Measures. The stone has a 
conchoidal fracture and is snapped in half. There are no signs of finishing on either of the 
two flat surfaces and both the outer and inner surfaces are rough. Possibly not finished. 
Such coal would have been readily available locally and this whorl might have been broken 
during manufacture. 

Post-medieval? 

Flint tool. Context 2054 (phase six). An unpatmated rectangular flint tool, worked on all 
four sides. Possibly from a flintlock pistol rather than a prehistoric implement but no signs of 
scratches from steel. 

Glazed stone. Context 2097 (phase five group six). A roughly cuboid lump of finegrained 
grey sandstone with extensive areas of glazing on all surfaces. The glaze is in parts colourless 
and in parts has an olive brown colour. Without analysis it is not possible to identify the 
main fluxes in the glass, which could be alkalis from a wood or coal fire, salt or lead. If either 
of the latter two were present then the glaze must be the accidental by product of a deliberate 
attempt to glaze ceramics or glass but if the former it merely indicates that the lump was 
subjected to a high temperature (almost certainly in excess of 1000 degrees given the lack of 
iron in the stone). With only a single example, it is not possible to say where this firing took 
place but industrial waste tends to be widely dispersed, for example as hard core, and this 
piece comes from a seventeenth-century dump. 



centimetres 


Fig. 35. Stone spindle whorl. 


292 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


THE CROSS SHAFT BASE 
by Chris Fenton-Thomas 

A large stone socket 2121 had been incorporated into a rough cobble surface in a 
seventeenth century context, dated by pottery and occasional fragments of clay pipe (Fig. 
19 and 36). The stone, which had been carved from a single block of limestone, measured 
0.6m by 0.6m by 0.3m. It was hexagonal at the top but had a square base with chamfered 
comers. This was not a solid stone block for the inside had been carved away leaving a wall 
thickness of 0. 1 m all the way round. The internal space inside the socket measured 0.4 m by 
0.4 m. At the top of the stone in one of the six faces there was a carved U-shape groove, 
measuring about 0.08 m across. In the opposite face an irregular V-shape groove was visible 
that may have been caused by gradual wear over time, possible by a rope. Another similar 
groove was seen in one of the faces between these two. 

The stone has been identified as the base of a medieval cross shaft of probable thirteenth 
century date (P.Sidebottom, pers.comm.) and probably held a standing stone cross similar to 
those from Bamburgh and Rawmarsh. Other cross shaft bases are known from the area at 

Hooton Pagnell and Fishlake 
(P.Robinson pers. comm.). A standing 
stone cross is known from the village 
of Sprotbrough in the middle ages but 
was dismantled in 1 520. This may have 
been the base of that cross and was 
re-used for a functional purpose in the 
seventeenth century when it may have 
provided the support for an upright 
timber in a horse engine of some kind. 
The grooves around the top may well 
have been caused by ropes tied around 
it to break the machinery it supported. 




Fig. 36. Cross shaft base. Thirteenth 
century but re-used in seventeenth 
century. 


SPROTBROUGH 


293 


CERAMIC BUILDING MATERIALS 
by Sandra Garside-Neville and Cecily Spall 

DESCRIPTION 

A total of 3 9.2 10 kg of ceramic buildmg materials (CBM), 401 fragments, were presented for 
examination. The majority of this material comprised medieval plain ceramic roofing tile, in 
addition to brick of various dates, stone roof tiles and some post medieval pan tile. Full 
recording allowed the discard of material that had no particular features other than fabric 
and thickness. As a consequence, 27 per cent of the material was retained, 107 fragments, 
including glazed material, nibs, tally marks, and ridge tile (Table 5). 

Roman 

There was 108 g of Roman material, comprising two fragments. The piece from context 
2088 is 32 mm thick. This is likely to be a piece of brick (used in hypocausts or wall courses), 
due to the thickness measurement. It was very abraded and had mortar along a broken edge, 
which points to reuse. The fabric is comparable to the material found at nearby Loversall 
Church (DONMG 200 1 .2). 

The other fragment is a piece of combed flue tile from context 3123, which is the fill of a pit 
in medieval phase three. This tile would have been used in a hypocaust system. Combed 
keying on flue tile is probably a second century or later feature (Betts & Crowley 1996, 53- 
55). The presence of Roman hypocaust material indicates a Roman building of moderate 
status in the vicinity. 

Medieval roofing tile 

The roofing tile forms present at Sprotbrough include plain tile, nib tile and ridge tile. 
Plain roof tile (nib tile) 

Plain roof tile comprised the majority of the assemblage. Plain roof tile was the most 
common ceramic roofing material in the medieval period, and could take the form of nib tile, 
peg tile or a combination of both. There was a wide variance in size and in suspension 
features according to the area in which the tile was manufactured. In South Yorkshire, nib tile 
appears to be the most common (see Buckland et al 1989, Garside-Neville 1996, Garside- 
Neville 1998), and at Sprotbrough all the diagnostic plain tile fragments are nib tiles. It has 
been assumed that the majority of the material recorded for this assemblage as ‘plain tile’ is 
likely to be nib tile as well. There are four fabrics with definite nib tile fragments. 

Thicknesses range between 12- 18mm, with the most common thickness being 15- 16mm. 
No complete nib tile was recovered, however it was possible to find some joining fragments. 
The nib tiles at Sprotborough probably all took the form of two-nibbed tiles, as shown 
below. 

In all cases the nibs were moulded on the sanded, or boarded, side of the tile, so that a 
smoothed surface would have been exposed to the elements. Also, the nibs appear to be 
integral to the fabric of the tile, rather than being applied to a flat slab of clay. Armstrong 
( 1 992, 223), writing about East Yorkshire products, postulates that an integrally moulded nib 
could have been made in a two-piece wooden mould. There could be a four-sided frame, and 


294 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


fabric 

Loons 

Date 

001 

Nib/Plain 

Medieval 


roof tile/ 



Crested ridge 



002 

Nib/Plain 

Medieval 

B’ 

roof tile 



003 

C 

Nib/Plain 
roof tile 

Medieval 

004 

Pantile 

Post med- 
ieval, 17 th 
century 

005 

Brick 

Post 

medieval 

006 

Nib/Plain 
roof tile/ 
Crested ridge 

Medieval 

007 

Brick 

Medieval 

008 

Plain roof tile/ 
brick 

Medieval 

009 

Brick 

Roman 

010 

Brick 

Post med- 
ieval 

011 

Brick 

Medieval: 


Basic Description 

Light orange-brown; 
often with reduced core; 

Occasional pebbles around 2mm; 
abundant oolite/limestone voids, 
abundant quartz/ quartzite, 
occasional shell; sometimes 
underfired and overfired 
Medium orange; often with 

reduced core; occasional pebbles 
up to 2mm, abundant quartz/ 
quartzite; abundant oolite/ 
limestone voids; sparse Pgrog; 
sometimes underfired and 
overfired 

Medium orange; often reduced or 
core reduced; sparse grog, 

abundant oolite/limestone voids, 
sparse pebbles clmm; sometimes 
overfired 

Medium orange; fine, regular PDNB93 L6 

sanding; Sparse limestone; 

common quartz/ quartzite 

Mottled purple-orange; fine fabric; 

sparse oolite/ limestone voids, 

sparse mica; sparse grog 

Dark orange; often reduced or ? DNB93 LI 

reduced core; abundant quartz/ 

quartzite; sparse limestone; sparse 

grog; sometimes overfired 

Orange; fine fabric; sparse mica; DNB1 7 

sparse grog; sparse oolite 

Orange-brown; fine sanding; 

sparse limestone up to 3mm; 

sparse grog; common quartz/ quartzite 

Red; common quartz; common DONMG 2001 .2 

oolite/limestone voids; sparse grog 

Purple-brown; fine, silty fabric; DNB93 LI 9 

straw marks on base; sparse limestone 

Red; abundant limestone voids; grog; 

very manufactured fabric 


DNB93 L4, 
Hallgate ‘Kiln 


Similar to tile 

from other sites 
(site code) 
DNB93 L3 


Hallgate ‘Kiln 


Table 5. The CBM from the site. 


SPROTBROUGH 


295 


a base with D-shaped impressions cut into it. A clay slab would then be pressed into the 
mould to form the tile. 

The Sprotbrough nibs have various striations on the nibbed, lower surface of the tile, 
rather than obvious sanding. Most of the nib tile fabrics are naturally sandy anyway, but the 
lower surface is flattened and marked in way that suggests it was moulded against a board. 
There are also smoothed lines around some nibs, which may be to tighten up the shape of 
the nibs, if it came out of the mould misshapen. Perhaps as a consequence, some nibs are d- 
shaped, but others have been tidied up and are more triangular in shape. The other side of 
the tiles have been struck-off, so that the surface is smooth. 

There is very little evidence for glazing of the plain roof tiles from Sprotbrough. Three 
fragments have splashed glazing. The fourth fragment shows evidence that the glazed 
pooled around a circular object. In the case of all four fragments, it is possible that the glaze 
was accidental and perhaps picked up during firing. 

Marks on mb tiles 

Tally marks are sometimes found on plain roofing tile, and Sprotbrough has one example 
from context 1000, in fabric one. Tally marks could be an indicator of how many tiles have 
been made by a particular tile maker. Some tiles have finger grip marks on the underside. This 
must be where the tiles were moved away from the moulding table to be laid out to dry. Also, 
occasionally fingerprints are found. After the tiles were moulded, they were laid out to dry in 
the yard. The drying area cannot have been fenced off, as several of the Sprotbrough tiles 
have animal paw or hoof prints on their smooth surface, where the animals have wondered 
over the tiles whilst the clay was still wet. 

Reused plain tile 

Tile is often reused, both on roofs and for other functions. A plain tile from context 2097 
(Fabric eight, phase five) had a possible pecked peg hole. It may be that a nib had fallen off 
due to cracking, but the body of the tile was otherwise complete, so it could be reused. Plain 
roof tile that has been reworked into a rough circular shape is a relatively common find. 
These are often interpreted as being perhaps gaming counters, weights or pot-lids. 

Ridge tile 

Only two fragments of definite ridge tile are present. Both are crested ridge tiles and 
glazed. The fragment from context 2151 had a v-shaped profile and a mottled green and 
brown glaze with embedded clay pellets which were not completely glazed over. Whether 
the pellets are a deliberate decorative feature is uncertain, and this is the same for the groves 
close to the base of the crest. 

The separately applied crest is missing, but may have been a fan or squared-off shape. 
The shape of the crest is formed by using a knife to cut out the excess clay, and the knife 
marks are clearly visible on this fragment of tile. This type of decorated ridge tile is common 
in York, though unglazed (see McComish, 2003) and an example of a similar glazed type was 
found in Beverley (Armstrong 1 992, 224) 

The other fragment of glazed crested ridge tile is from context 2010 has a green-brown 
glaze and is a fragment of crest detached from its ridge. There is also one possible fragment 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


of plain, unglazed ridge tile from context 2146. 

Brick 

There were just ten fragments of brick in the assemblage. No complete lengths survived, 
however one width, and four thicknesses were measured. When observable, the method of 
manufacture was slop moulding, where the mould was dipped into water before the clay was 
thrown in. This helped the brick to slip easily from the mould. In Yorkshire, this method of 
manufacture seems to be associated with post medieval bricks, as does the use of a bow to 
take off excess clay from the sanded surface. Three bricks from contexts 2 1 24 and 2 1 29 show 
evidence of bow marks. 

Seven fragments of brick were found in phase five, which fits well, except for the fragment 
of machine made brick in 3065. However, it is a small fragment of machine-made brick, which 
could be intrusive. Context 2124 has a brick with a worn stretcher, which could mean that it 
was used as paving. 

The three fragments of brick in phase three do not fit the medieval date. In particular the 
fragment from 2 1 29 has slop moulding and bow marks, as well as a minimum measurement of 
53 mm. Compared with the measurement data of medieval bricks from nearby York (Betts 
1985, 453-454) the brick is too thick, though measurements from Beverley (Potts 1996, 104) 
allow for a greater thickness. 

Overall, there is so little brick in the assemblage that it is unlikely it was used in the stone 
building that is the focus of phase three. Also, brick is not used as a major walling component 
until the fourteenth century (Grenville 1997, 64) 

Pantile 

Pantile appears in England during the seventeenth century, during which it was imported 
from Holland, and then it was probably made England from the early eighteenth century 
(Clifton-Taylor, 1987, 275) Its presence in phases five and six is unsurprising, as pantile is an 
extremely common post medieval roofing material. 

Daub 

Daub can be used in a variety of buildings, including as infilling for wattle walls and 
ovens. It only survives if subjected to heat. 

Stone Roof tiles 

Stone roof tile is used extensively in the Doncaster area during the medieval era, due to the 
abundance of nearby stone sources. A number of fragments of stone were included in the 
Sprotborough assemblage, however it was uncertain if these were truly roof tile unless there 
was a nail-hole. There are three fragments of stone roof tile, all occurring in phase five. Two 
were reused in the construction of a wall (contexts 2107 and 3022) the other being found in 
a pit. Stone tiles were found in late twelfth or early thirteenth century contexts in Doncaster 
(Buckand et al 1989, 217), but there is no evidence for its early use in this Sprotborough 
assemblage. 


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DISCUSSION 

The Sprotborough nib tile first appears in phase three, which is dated from the late twelfth 
to early thirteenth century. Two-nibbed roof tiles were found in Doncaster and dated from 
the late twelfth to early thirteenth centuries (Buckland, et al 1989, 218.). Nibbed tiles also 
occur at Doncaster Low Fishergate during the early thirteenth century (Lilley 1998). The 
plain tile fabrics (001 , 002, 003 and 006) all appear to be very similar except in the variance of 
the amount of quartizite present. Fabrics 002 and 003 match well the Hallgate material. 
Fabrics 001 and 003 are comparable to material from Low Fishergate. These fabric matches 
help to suggest a late twelfth thirteenth century date for the roofing material from 
Sprotborough. Nibbed tiles also occur at Doncaster Low Fishergate during the early thirteenth 
century. 

Some tiles have been abraded and re-used, however, this would fit in with a pattern of tile 
loss and repairs. Associated with the nibbed tile, are the glazed crested ridge tile fragments. 
Overall, the roof of the building could be said to be high status. The roof tiles at Sprotborough 
can be safely linked the initial construction and use of the stone building in phase three. The 
other CBM, such as brick and pantile is probably part of the later usage of the site. 

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 

Thanks to: Peter Robinson of Doncaster Museum for supplying samples of the Roman material 
from Loversall Church (DONMG 2001 .2) and the Doncaster Hallgate 1965 material; Jane McComish 
of York Archaeological Trust for access to the Doncaster Lower Fishergate Archive Reports; Stephen 
Rowland for identifying the caprovid hoof print. 


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THE SLAG AND ASSOCIATED FINDS 
by Jane Cowgill 

DESCRIPTION 

A total of 3769g (thirty six pieces) of slag and associated finds were submitted for recording. 
The slag was identified solely on morphological grounds by visual examination, sometimes 
with a (xlO) binocular microscope. This is a perplexing assemblage that includes some 
distinctly odd and unusual slags. There is also no obvious evidence for iron smithing 
although there are some definite iron smelting (production) slags. These are in the form of 
pit-furnace block slags, a type of slag rarely encountered and at present poorly dated. The 
best examples from Sprotbrough are from context 3087, a phase two buried soil horizon 
(Table 6). 

The largest block fragment (weight 1 158 g), like all slags of this type, possibly formed in a 
shallow pit below the furnace (the traditional interpretation based on later continental 
examples), but it is also possible that they formed in a pit alongside it or even within the 
actual furnace. Very little is known about this technology and no British furnaces have been 
found associated with this type of slag. The base of the feature that moulded this example 
appears to have been square or rectangular in shape with rounded comers as the form of 
one comer and portions of the straight sides survives on this piece. The base is covered in 
reduced fired clay from the pit/ furnace lining. The slag is densest towards the base while the 
slag above contains a mass of small charcoal imprints. Patches of the slag are slightly 
magnetic. The maximum surviving height is 90 mm and this could be the actual height of the 
block, but on one section towards the original centre of the piece it is only c.10 mm thick 
between the flat base and flowed top. The top of the highest part has an angular crystalline 
structure and has probably never been hot enough to be liquid. This factor suggests that it 
either formed in a pit below the furnace or within it. The slag could be the by-product of a 


Craft 

Slag type 

No 

Weight 

Iron smelting 

Block (pit-furnace slag) 

2 

1508g 

Iron smelting 

Slag (block fragment?) 

1 

75g 

Iron smelting 

Tap 

3 

21g 

Iron smeldng? 

Slag 

1 

123g 

Iron smeldng? 

Tap 

5 

162g 

Iron smelting or smithing 

Slag 

7 

1043g 

Iron smeldng or smithing? 

Slag 

4 

276g 


Cinder 

6 

237g 


Iron object 

1 

15g 


Slag 

3 

271g 


Vitrified hearth lining 

3 

38g 

Table 6. The types of slags from the site. 




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299 


single smelt because it was probably never particularly large. 

The smaller block from the same context (weight 350 g) has frequent massive charcoal 
imprints, a common characteristic of this type. The largest measures about 50 x 40 x 30mm. 
There is a small surface area, probably part of a side and occasional grey and pinkish fired 
clay inclusions. 

Other pieces that are block fragments come from context 3140 (fill of phase three pit 3139) 
and 2118 (fill of phase three robber trench [2119]). Another possible piece is also from 2118 
although this could be a strange proto-hearth bottom and context 3127 (fill of phase one 
linear feature 3132) unless these two pieces are fragments of exceptionally large hearth 
bottoms. 

The slag from this site that is most likely to be a by-product of iron smithing is the possible 
hearth bottoms from context 3080 (phase three ditch recut 3218). It is large, slightly magnetic 
and has a distinct L-shaped profile. A large quantity of hearth lining is attached to the back. 
It is possible that this is again a block fragment because it does not have the classic plano- 
convex shape. Another possibility is the very dense fragment from context 41 10 (fill of phase 
three pit 4111). This piece has multiple fresh breaks but part of a side or basal surface 
survives with rare charcoal imprints and parts of other crystalline or slightly flowed surfaces. 
The surfaces are very unlike those usually found on hearth bottoms but the lack of charcoal 
imprints or inclusions does not make it an obvious candidate for a slag block. The other 
possible smithing slags are all very abraded and partially encrusted with soil. They are from 
contexts 3080 and 3043, the latter a post-medieval levelling layer or buried soil. 

There is a group of odd slags from the site that are black and tap-like in form but have a 
distinctive metallic sheen on their surfaces. Some lead-production slags are similar in 
appearance. Both lead and iron smelting slags are primarily composed of fayalite (2FeO. 
Si0 2 ). These slags, from contexts 2055 (post-medieval dump), 2118 and 3042, may be by- 
products of a non-ferrous industry (smelting lead is unlikely given the site location) or iron 
smelting slags affected by some post-depositional process. 

The final group are the cindery slags from contexts 3 1 23 and 3125, (both fills of phase 3 pit 
3124). These are too large to be ordinary fuel ash slags but they have been produced at high 
temperatures. These may have been generated accidentally and need not necessarily be 
associated with any ‘industrial’ process. There is a piece of cinder that could belong to this 
group but stratigraphically it is from the phase two buried soil 4006 (the same horizon 3087) 
and therefore is much earlier in date. It is a fairly dense fused mass of sand and perhaps 
hearth lining and again the event that caused its generation may have been accidental. 

DISCUSSION OF THE PIT-FURNACE SLAG BLOCKS 

A small group of slag blocks have been identified at West Moor Park, Armthorpe near 
Doncaster (Cowgill 2001a) only five miles to the east of Sprotbrough. Another group of 
seven pieces are from the Teeside to Saltend Ethylene Pipeline (TSEP) Site 238, near Bolton, 
just to the east of York (Cowgill, Godfrey and McDonnell 2003) and thirty six miles north of 
Sprotbrough. Further single examples have been identified at TSEP Site 908 (near High 
Catton, east of York), Pocklington, East Yorkshire (Cowgill 2000) and Nunthorpe, Teeside 
(Cowgill 2001b). All these pieces have similar characteristics: flat tops and straight moulded 
sides although the quantity and size of the charcoal imprints within them tends to vary. 


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Unfortunately all these sites are poorly dated but it is thought probable that the technology 
was Late Iron Age to transitional Romano-British in date. Much larger block slags have also 
been found at Welham Bridge, North Humberside, (dated to the mid-late Iron Age) and these 
have a mean weight of 12.7 kg, with the lightest recorded piece being 8.75 kg and the 
heaviest complete piece a massive 74 kg (Clogg 1 999). These slags are found as identifiable 
heaps (the total quantity from Welham Bridge weighed 5400 kg), whereas it is noticeable that 
the other slag blocks were found in secondary contexts (usually ditches) and often as single 
examples. 

The slag from the TSEP Sites, West Moor Park and Nunthorpe have been analysed by the 
Ancient Metallurgy Research Group, University of Bradford, and compared to those from 
Welham Bridge (Godfrey and McDonnell 2001 and 2002, summarized in Cowgill, Godfrey 
and McDonnell 2003). It concluded that the slags were similar in composition and were 
evidently remnants from an early pit-furnace iron smelting process but they did not, although 
comparable in morphology, match the Welham Bridge material. The analysis suggests that 
not only was a different ore used but also different operating conditions and that the slags 
from these sites appear to form a technological tradition that produced smaller blocks than 
those found around the River Foulness. 

It is possible that pit-furnace smelting may have been more widespread and persistent in 
Britain than previously recognised. Very little is known about the early pit-furnace 
technologies but these were developed and became the main form of iron production in 
northern continental Europe during the second to fifth centuries AD, where thousands of 
these pit-furnaces have been excavated at hundreds of sites from the Holy Cross Mountains 
in Poland (Bielenin 1987) to Snorup in Denmark (Voss 1995). As this slag is always found in 
situ it means that after each pit was filled with slag a new furnace would have to be constructed 
over a newly excavated pit, a factor that was evidently not deemed problematical to the 
smelters. In contrast in Britain no pit slags have been found in situ , they are always recovered 
from secondary contexts, which suggests that they had been purposely removed from the 
pits. It is possible, therefore, that the pits were alongside and not below the furnace, that 
access was available to the below furnace pit and that the blocks could be regularly removed 
without causing substantial damage to it or that they actually formed within the furnace. 
This technology probably also meant that a new furnace would not be needed at the 
commencement of each smelting episode. It appears that while in Northern Europe the pit- 
furnace technology was developed, in Britain sometime in the late Iron Age to early Romano- 
British period, it was replaced by slag tapping furnaces. In terms of date, the British examples 
are earlier, and therefore care must be taken when comparing the late European examples 
with the British ones. 

The presence of pit-furnace block slags on this site is important because it adds another 
reference point to our gradually expanding distribution map of this slag type. The majority 
of sites that have been identified with these slags have been around the Humber and in 
Yorkshire. It is too early to know whether this was a distinct regional type of iron smelting or 
whether we should find them across the country. 


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301 


PLANT, INVERTEBRATE AND FISH REMAINS RECOVERED FROM SAMPLES 
by John Carrott, Deborah Jaques, Allan Hall, Harry Kenward and Kathryn Johnson 

Twenty two bulk sediment samples (‘GBA’/‘BS’ sensu Dobney et al. 1992) were collected 
during the excavation. On the basis of an assessment of the remains from six of the deposits, 
fifteen (representing deposits from phases three to six) were selected for analysis. These 
were submitted to Palaeoecology Research Semices Limited (PRS), County Durham, for 
consideration. 

METHODS 

For the initial assessment, samples of whole sediment were processed by the excavator, 
who submitted dried ‘flots’ and residues. For the analysis, additional material from the 
assessed deposits and new samples from those not assessed were processed. Six such bulk 
sediment samples were processed to 1 mm (with a 300 micron sieve for the lighter washover 
fraction) by OSA. In addition, eight samples were processed by PRS , broadly following the 
techniques of Kenward et al. (1980; 1986), for the recovery of plant and invertebrate 
macrofossils. The lithologies of these samples were recorded, using a standard pro forma , 
prior to processing. One sample containing abundant charcoal was examined as a ‘SPOT’ 
sample {sensu Dobney et al. op. cit.). 

Four of the deposits were examined for the eggs of intestinal parasitic nematodes using 
the ‘squash’ technique of Dainton (1992). Measurements of maximum length (including 
polar plugs) and maximum width were noted using a calibrated eyepiece graticule at 600x 
magnification. Although primarily for the detection of intestinal parasitic nematode eggs the 
‘squash’ technique routinely reveals other microfossil remains, and where present (or 
markedly absent) these have also been noted. 

DISCUSSION 

Eggs of trichurid and ?ascarid intestinal parasitic worms were recorded from the cess- pit 
fill 2211. Identification of trichurids to species from their eggs is problematic in that the size 
ranges for different species often overlap significantly. In summary, this deposit did indeed 
contain faecal material, as indicated by the presence of the eggs of intestinal parasitic 
nematodes and supported by the evidence of the plant and invertebrate macrofossils and 
the fish bones. It seems certain that context 2211 contained human faeces and that this 
confirms the use of pit 2212 as a cess pit. 

Plant and invertebrate remains from the medieval ditch fill context 3084 indicated that this 
feature held standing water and that the surrounding area was neglected and overgrown. 
There were no indications of animal grazing in the immediate vicinity (as often evinced by 
the presence of dung beetles) or of rubbish being dumped by people. 

Context 4000 (an eighteenth to nineteenth century dump) gave small assemblages of plant 
and insect remains. The former included some food remains and aquatic taxa (probably 
arriving in waste water) and the latter was dominated by grain pests. Neither gave any 
evidence for tanning waste and, taken together with the other recovered components, suggest 
dumping of rubbish of a more general nature. If context 4000 received an input of material 
associated with the stables to the east of site this would explain the presence of the aquatics 
(arriving with water) and grain pests (infesting feed). 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


None of the plant and invertebrate remains are unusual for deposits of their periods, but 
the records are useful in that they come from a region in which plant and invertebrate 
remains from dated archaeological deposits are rather rare. 

Similarly, the recovered fish remains provided too small an assemblage for detailed 
interpretation, or for discerning any specific patterns in the relative abundances of different 
species or elements through time. However, they do show that fish were eaten, perhaps as 
an occasional supplement to the diet, but clearly never forming a major component of it. 
Freshwater fish and eels provide evidence of the exploitation of the local riverine resources, 
whilst the herring, and Gadidae remains in the later phases, indicate that some supplies came 
from coastal markets. These marine fish may have been fresh, but are more likely to have 
been cured either by drying and salting or by smoking. 

The presence of gadid remains in later deposits is consistent with their increasing 
importance from the eleventh century onwards. Fish bone recovered from the eighth to 
ninth century deposits at Fishergate, York (O’Connor 1991) was dominated by freshwater 
and estuarine species, with a gradual increase in the significance of herring and Gadidae 
seen in the eleventh to fifteenth century assemblage. At the site at North Bridge, Doncaster 
(Carrott et al. 1997), eels, herring and freshwater fish (including Cyprinidae, ?perch and pike) 
were the predominant species in deposits of eleventh to fourteenth century date. 


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303 


THE ANIMAL BONES 
by Tania Kausmally 

METHODS 

The bones were largely collected by context during hand excavation. All bones encountered 
were retained. The bones were identified by comparison with the reference collection at the 
Archaeology Dept, University of York and identification guide lines laid down by Schmid 
(1972), Hillson (1996) and Cohen and Serjeantson (1996). A total of 3995 bone fragments 
were recovered. Forty nine per cent of this material was retrieved from deposits associated 
with the small-scale industrial activities in phase five whilst the remaining 5 1 per cent were 
distributed among the remaining five phases. 

DISCUSSION 

There are two mam areas of interest in this assemblage. Firstly the information on 
subsistence and farming economy and secondly the small-scale industrial activity taking 
place in phase five (mid to late seventeenth century) 

Subsistence Economy 

The subsistence economy was based on three main domesticated animals; cattle, pig and 
sheep/goat. Of these, cattle were the most numerous making up the largest number of 
identified elements and MNI through out the phases apart from phase four. In phase three 
however, the majority of the cattle were aged at four years or older, which indicates that meat 
was only of secondary importance. The higher proportion of cows than bulls/steers suggests 
that dairy may have played an important role in the economy though very few young cattle 
were recovered. It is possible that steers were used for traction, which would explain the 
more mature males probably only slaughtered once they were no longer of any use in a work 
environment. The abundance of head and feet bones uncovered from Spro through suggests 
primary butchering was carried out on site. A similar pattern was observed at Doncaster 
(Smith & Halstead 1989) and Eastgate, Beverley (Scott 1 992). 

Sheep/goat were the second most abundant species in most phases apart from phase two 
and four where pig was more dominant. Sheep are like cattle often used for secondary 
products such as milk and wool. The age range of the sheep/goat assemblage suggests that 
this was the case at Spro through, where the majority were older than would be expected if 
they were bred purely for meat 

Pig is the third most important animal species throughout phase one, three, five and six to 
seven. In phases two and four the species becomes more dominant than sheep/goat though 
cattle still remain the most important in all phases. Pigs are mainly kept for meat and have no 
real secondary function. The age range of pig is significantly lower than that of the other 
domesticated species. The evidence is that the majority of pigs were culled before reaching 
maturity but older than twelve months. The majority appear to be in the region of one and a 
half to three years of age. This pattern was also seen at Eastgate, Beverly, where animals 
were killed off as soon as they had reached a viable body weight (Scott 1 992). Over twice as 
many of the sexed canine teeth were from boars than sows. Sows were probably kept alive 
longer for reproduction to take place where as the boars were culled at a much younger age. 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


The increase in pigs as opposed to sheep/goat during phase two and four may reflect a 
change in economy though it is more likely to be a question of species representation within 
the poorly represented phases. 

While cattle, pig and sheep/goat formed the mainstays of the Sprotbrough economy 
several other animals played a small but regular part of the subsistence system during the 
occupation of the site. These include horses, dogs, red deer, roe deer and hare. Birds were 
present in all phases with a dominance of domestic fowl. Other species such as domestic 
goose, mallard, swan, pheasant, red grouse, crane and crow were also recovered though 
these were more rare than the domestic fowl. 

Evidence of a tanning/ tawing industry 

During the mid to late seventeenth century evidence of a small-scale tawing industry is 
evident in the archaeological and faunal assemblage. Pit [3036] contained a total of 1487 
fragments, of these 1386 were metapodials of sheep. The vast majority were metacarples (9 1 
per cent). Large proportions of the metapodials from the assemblage were complete (57 per 
cent) and had evidently not been utilized any further. The ratio of left and right metapodials 
showed a very equal distribution with an MNI of 465. Similar finds from other sites have 
been uncovered and were believed to be the bi-product of treating sheepskins (O’Connor 
1984, Smith & Halstead 1989, Mounteney & Cumberpatch 1 996). Skins may have been sold 
with the metapodials still attached to serve as a “handles” for stretching the skins (O’Connor 
1984). Similar assemblages of sheep/goat metapodials have been uncovered at a number of 
sites. From the site at 16-22 Church Street, Bawtry, South Yorkshire a seventeenth century 
pit produced an unusually high frequency of ovicaprine metapodials, though these were 
not directly associated with tanning processes, as the site yielded very little evidence of this 
(Mounteney & Cumberpacht 1996,181). At a site in Doncaster two pits likewise yielded an 
unusually high number of sheep/goat metapodials, which showed an equal distribution of 
all four limbs. One pit dated to the seventeenth century contained metapodials only (DT 
123) whilst another pit from the thirteenth to fourteenth century contained metapodials and 
phalanges (DSR 39) (Smith & Halstead 1989). The Sprotbrough assemblage consisted of 
metapodials only, suggesting similar treatment as DT 123 in Doncaster, though in DTI 23 all 
four metapodials were equally represented where as the Sprotbrough assemblage was 
dominated by metacarples. At Walmgate, York two pits also revealed a large number of 
metapodials and phalanges, with more metacarples than metatarasals (O’Connor 1984). 

Avery limited number of the metapodials exhibited any dismemberment marks (0.6%). All 
of these were fine horizontal lines at the proximal/anterior portion of the shaft or anterior mid 
shaft (MCpl in Binford 198 1 ,142). Both Smith & Halstead (1989) and O'Connor (1984) noted 
the distinct lack of cut marks on the metapodials, similar to the Sprotbrough assemblage. 
O’Connor suggested that the absence of phalanges were likely to be due to secondary 
deposition. Given that no cut marks were present on the distal portion of the metapodials, it 
is more likely that they were not dismembered during butchering processes (O’Connor 
1984). 

The age range of the sheep metapodials was estimated on epiphysial fusion data and 
showed that of the elements that could be estimated, 12 per cent were unfused. Metacarple 
fusion occurs at eighteen to twenty four months and metatarsal fusion at twenty to twenty 


SPROTBROUGH 


305 


eight months (Silver 1966), suggesting the 88 per cent of the assemblage were eighteen to 
twenty eight months or above and would have produced at least one to two fleeces (Smith 
et.al 1989). O’Connor (1084) suggested that the unfused individuals could possibly signify 
castrates, who fuse somewhat later than ewes and rams and goes on to imply that from the 
maturity of the sheep it may be suggested that quantity rather than quality was of essence 
and they may have been delivered from butchery who particularly dealt with more mature 
animals rather than lambs. 

The second largest assemblage derived from a foundation layer for cobbles 3065 and 
yielded a total of 108 fragments, of which seventy four (68 per cent) were metapodials of 
sheep, with a clear dominance of metacarples (95 per cent). There was also an almost equal 
distribution of left and right metacarples and hence exhibiting a similar trend as contexts 
3024/3035 but at a smaller scale. The pit also contained remains of cattle, pig, red deer and 
dog. 

It is likely that layer 3065 was debris from the tawing processes and was later used as a 
foundation layer for a cobbled area. The assemblage was very similar to 3024/3035 and it is 
possible that 3065 derived from the same episode of dumping. 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


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Yorkshire Archaeological Journal 79, 2007 


311 


GERMAN PRINTS, FLEMISH CRAFTSMEN, AND 

YORKSHIRE BUILDINGS 

A LATE MEDIEVAL WOOD-CARVING IN SCARBOROUGH 


By Arnold Pacey 


Facing the harbour at Scarborough, across the road known as Sandside, is The Newcas- 
tle Packet, a public house with applied “ half-timbering ” of the kind that was popular 
around 1 900. Along one side of the building is preserved a fragment of a medieval struc- 
ture that is elaborately carved in a manner reminiscent of continental rather than English 
architectural decoration. 



Fig- 1 

The Newcastle Packet, Scarborough: 

Section of the west wind (with cellar) and housebody, 
sketched by Frank Tugwell in 1898, prior to demolition. 
Framing from the wall with two jetties on the left was 
preserved, and still exists in a fragmentary state. It will 
be seen that the upper jetty supported the floor of a large 
attic rather than the full third storey that the structure 
seems designed to support. 

The east wing, which would be on the right, is not shown 
because it was in different ownership at the time. 


A late medieval timber- 
framed house of hall and 
cross-wings plan stood on the 
site undl the present pub was 
built in 1898-9 (and extended 
in 1923) to designs by the lo- 
cal architects F.A. and S. 
Tugwell. Framing from one 
side of the old building was 
preserved in situ by attaching 
it to the brickwork of the west 
wall of the new structure. 
This can be seen in a narrow 
alley beside the pub, now 
used as the fire exit. 

The framing is part of a 
jettied elevation with a cor- 
ner post at first-floor as well 
as at ground-floor level. 1 Both 
posts are angled to support 
dragon beams (now missing) 
intended to carry the joists of 
first and second floors, al- 
though sketches of the house 
made by Frank Tugwell before 
he began the rebuilding show 
it as only two storeys high, with 
a steep-roofed attic earned on 
the upper jetty (Figure 1). At 
that time the timber-framed 
structure was pardy hidden by 
a Georgian front. 


1 . A full description of the building is provided in Report no. 1 644, Yorkshire Vernacular Buildings 
Study Group, 2003 (a copy of which is deposited with the National Monuments Record) . 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 



Fig. 2 

The Newcastle Packet, Scarborough: 
Detail of the ground-floor corner post 
showing the carving of a woman carrying 
a basket of loaves (or fish) on her back. 
(800 mm x 450 mm, the width 
diminishing to 300 mm lower down) . 


The first-floor corner post which survives is 
carved with grapes and vine tendrils. The ground- 
floor post is more elaborately decorated with a 
carved head and two smaller figures. One of the 
latter is a woman carrying on her back a basket of 
loaves (Ligure 2) . The opposite, eastern end of the 
building was for a time in separate ownership and 
was not demolished until an extension of die public 
house was begun in 1923. Here there was another 
comer post carved with the head and foreshortened 
body of a fool or jester 2 (Ligure 3) . 

Many late-medieval timber-framed houses in Eng- 
lish urban locations had decorated corner posts, 
but die decoradon on surviving examples often con- 
sists of low-relief tracery panels, quatrefoils, or 
bratdshing. Another corner-post in Scarborough, 
at 2 Quay Street, is endrely plain apart from a litde 
bratdshing (now very weathered) , and there are re- 
mains of crenellated bratdshing below the carvings 
at The Newcasde Packet. Carved figures are much 
less common on English houses, however, and when 
they occur, they somedmes reflect a German tradi- 



Fig. 3 

The Newcastle Packet, Scarborough: 

Sketches of carved corner posts made by R.E. Clarke before the building was demolished, and 
published in his Relics of Old Scarborough (1899) . The carving of the jester or fool came from 
the east end of the building and is now lost. The carving of the woman carrying the basket on 
her back appears as the lower part of the right-hand pair of sketches. 


2. R.E. Clarke, Relics of Old Scarborough (Scarborough, 1899). 



GERMAN PRINTS 


313 


tion of decorating buildings with representations of peasant life (such as the woman carry- 
ing the basket) , or people in humorous situations (the fool) , or occasionally ‘Wild men ” with 
hairy bodies. 3 A corner post at Bury St. Edmunds depicting a wild man, 4 was illustrated in 
1 780, and a similar corner-post carving of a hairy man with boots and a club is held by the 
Victoria and Albert Museum. 5 

In Germany and the Low Countries, decoration representing human figures (including 
scenes from peasant life) appeared more often on urban buildings, carved in either timber or 
stone, and often painted. Christa Grossinger cites examples in Goslar and mentions build- 
ings in Handers. 6 Similar subjects are also represented in minor church sculpture and wood- 
carving. Analysing the situations depicted in these carvings, Grossinger shows that from 
about 1430 and during much of the sixteenth century, similar scenes of peasant life were 
developed by print-makers and other artists (including Diirer and his school) as well as by 
carvers in wood and stone. Some carvers clearly worked from prints, which were apparently 
produced and sold with the intention that they could be used as patterns for decorative work 
in buildings and on smaller objects. Grossinger comments that “one of the main functions 
of engravings from the very start was their use as patterns”. 7 

Examination of the Scarborough carving locates it quite definitely in this tradition. The 
woman carrying the basket on her back closely resembles in posture a differendy-dressed 
woman depicted in a print which exists in two versions, one by an artist signing himself 
(probably not herself) bxg, and another illustrated in Figure 4. The precise identity of 
“Master bxg” is unknown, but his prints appeared from the 1470s and around 1480 he was 
evidendy working in Frankfurt. A further print signed by bxg (Figure 5) may have suggested 
other features of the comer post, notably the angle at which the large head is inclined. 8 Some 
of his designs were redrawn about 1520 by Hans Schaufelein, a pupil of Diirer, for use on a 
set of playing cards. Engravings were often quite small and playing cards were sometimes 
used as a medium for the publication of illustrations since they provided a means of present- 
ing a series of pictures in suits and sets. Figure 4 is Schaufelein’s playing-card version of 
Master bxg’s depiction of the woman carrying a basket and is an accurate mirror-image 
version of the original. 

Detailed study of the carving in Scarborough is difficult (and photography nearly impos- 
sible) because of its confined position relative to the Victorian brickwork of the pub, and 
because of decay in the timber. The subject matter of the carving has three components. 
The woman carrying the basket on her back is on the north west face of the post and a male 


3. Christa Grossinger, Humour and Folly in Secular and Profane Prints in Northern Europe 
(London, 2002), 131-141 (chapter 6) on “wild people” in art. 

4. Richard Marks and Paul Williamson (eds.), Gothic: Art for England, 1400-1547 (exhibition 
catalogue: Victoria & Albert Museum, London, 2003), 294, citing an eighteenth-century illustration 
by John Carter. 

5. Marks and Williamson (eds.), Gothic, catalogue item no. 157, “Corbel bracket or corner post, 
c.1500”. 

6. Grossinger, Humour and Folly, 1-2. 

7. Ibid, 18. 

8. Ibid, 41 , 45. The woman in Figure 5 is holding a container which Grossinger describes as a 
“goblet”, and as such may have suggested the container held by the man in the carving, but another 
inteqjretation, given the coarse humour of the prints, is that the woman in Figure 5 is sitting on a 
stool to urinate and the container is a form of glass urinal common in the fifteenth century. 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 



Figure 4 

Playing-card illustration by Hans Schaufelein 
based on an earlier engraving by Master bxg. 
A woman carrying a basket on her back is 
accompanied by a man with his right leg bent 
back and supported on a crutch 
(previously published by Hans-Joachim 
Raupp, Bauernsatiren, Niederzier, 1986). 


figure of similar size is on the south west face. Meanwhile the large head is looking outwards 
from the building in a third direction, but has arms and hands on both the other faces of the 
corner post. A diagram which distorts the arms but allows all three components of the 
design to be seen on one illustration is presented in figure 6. 

A fissure in the wood such as often develops in oak as it seasons and shrinks runs down the 
centre of the large face, where surface decay of the wood is also very marked. The hand on 
the right of the illustration is very largely decayed (except for the end of one finger) . The 
man’sjar of beer lacks the handle and base seen in Figure 4 and seems too large in compari- 
son with the overall size of the figure, but there is probably a degree of artistic licence here 
to allow the larger figure with grasping hands to be seen to rob the man of his beer, just as he/ 
she is evidently about to take a loaf from the woman’s pannier. 

The head and torso of the man are almost entirely lost to decay, as is the neck of his jar of 
beer, but his arm and legs are well preserved. In die relevant prints by Master bxg and Hans 
Schaufelein (Figure 4) , the man is shown as a cripple with one leg bent back and supported 
by a crutch. In the Scarborough carving, one leg seems shorter than the other. This could be 
because the man is in a sitting position with one leg dangling. But below the shorter leg there 
does seem to be a peg-like extension, corresponding to die crutch in die print, although diis 
could equally be an irregularity caused by the way the wood has decayed. A definitive 
interpretation might involve removal of some of the Victorian brickwork so that the timber 
can be properly examined and photographed - which, one hopes, would allow it to be 
conserved also. 

It appears, then, thatjust as the man accompanying the woman in the print was carrying a 
jug of beer, so also the wood-carving was intended to show the man widi some beer. But then 


GERMAN PRINTS 


315 



Fig. 5 

Engraving signed by bxg showing a peasant woman with a goblet and a blank shield. The 
diameter of the original is 90 mm.. 

(reproduced from Christa Grossinger, Humour and Folly, London, Harvey Miller, 2002, p.45.) 

the large head and hand (possibly inspired by the other bxg print) were superimposed in 
such away as to suggest that the large figure was taking the man’s beer with one hand and the 
woman’s loaves with the other. The carving includes lettering which reads 
JUST[ITIAL]IB[E...] . There is considerable uncertainty about the letters set in brackets, 
but the version given here seems most likely and may be intended to read JUSTITIA 
LIBERTAS. This might indicate that the building had some official function to do with the 
law, or with customs and tolls, and may be intended to suggest that the large figure is levying 
a fine on the two peasants, or is collecting taxes in kind. However, such meanings are 
foreign to the humour of the German prints. It appears almost as if details from two different 
prints have been combined to illustrate a quite different theme, or as if the lettering was 
added after the carving had been completed. 

The lettering has given rise to local interpretations (e.g., on a sign at the pub entrance) 
which claim that the large figure isjustitia herself. However, medieval representations of 
justice as one of the seven virtues more typically show a standing figure trampling on injus- 
tice, whereas the classical goddess ofjustice would be represented with her scales, if not with 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 



Fig. 6 

The Newcastle Packet, Scarborough. Three components of the carving on the ground-floor comer 
post, which face in different directions, shown in diagrammatic style to demonstrate how they are 
related. Hands belonging to the large head reach down as if to grasp loaves from the woman’s basket 
and to take the man’s jar of beer. Emphatic hatching or shading and dashed outlines indicate where 
detail had been lost to decay of the timber. 


GERMAN PRINTS 


317 


her sword. The Scarborough carving (except for the lettering) does not accord with either 
tradition, but fits better with the world of “humour and folly” seen in contemporary German 
pictures and prints. 

DATING AND CONTEXT 

There is no independent evidence for the date of the timber-framed house to which this 
corner post belongs, but if the identification of the carving with prints by Master bxg is 
accepted, the structure must clearly be later than the prints, that is later than c. 1 475, and 
could perhaps be as late as the playing-card version made by Hans Schaufelein in the 1520s. 

Other prints by the artist who signed himself bxg were used by carvers of misericords in 
Ripon Minster (now Ripon Cathedral) , notably a humourous scene in which a woman is 
being carried in a wheel-barrow. As evidence of the wide circulation of the prints, Grossinger 
notes that the same scene, with some of the same detail, was also carved on a wooden bench- 
end at Baden-Baden, and on a stone frieze on the town hall at Wroclaw (Breslau) . 9 

At Ripon, the date 1489 is carved on one miseriocord and 1494 on an associated bench- 
end. It is likely that the wheel-barrow carving based on the bxg print was done within that 
range of dates, and hence that some prints by Master bxg were circulating in northern 
England during the 1480s. This makes it possible that the Scarborough corner post could 
also belong to that decade. Given that Scarborough was a North Sea port that was then of 
more importance that it is now, it might seem likely that the prints were brought into the 
country there. Books and prints were regularly being imported into England at the time, and 
material by Master bxg could have come with one such consignment - or prints may have 
been carried by immigrant craftsmen. Flemish craftsmen, including the wood-carversjames 
(Jacob) and David Dam had been working in York for some time, 10 and it is possible that 
Scarborough was the port of entry for other Flemings, some of whom may have worked on 
the house in Scarborough before going on to York That scenario could make the Scarborough 
carving earlier than the Ripon Minster misericords. However, no other craftsmen, apart 
from the Dams, are recorded until some time after 1500, when joiners with the surname 
Fleming were working in York. 1 1 

Another point, though, is that the timber-framed wall of which the corner-post is part, 
although only a fragment, includes large curved braces at first-floor level, used in pairs to 
make a distinctive and impressive design (Figure 7) . This is an unusual feature but a closely 
similar design is to be seen at 41 , 43 and 45 Goodramgate, York, 12 a timber-framed house 
thought to date from the late fifteenth century or around c.1500. A related design at 16 

9. Christa Grossinger, The World Upside-down: English Misericords (London, 1997), 58-64, 67-9. 
See also J.S. Purvis, ‘The use of continental woodcuts and prints by the ‘Ripon school’ ofwoodcarv- 
ers in the early sixteenth century”, Archaeologia, 85, 1936, 107-128. 

10. John Harvey, English Medieval Architects, revised edn. (Stroud, 1984), entry on Dam, Jacob, p. 
78. 

1 1 . Thomas Flemyng was working at St. Michael-le-Belfrey Church; see James Raine, (ed.) , ‘The 
Fabric Rolls of York Minster”, Publications of the Surtees Society, 35 (1859), 106-7. See also J.B. 
Morrell, Woodwork in York (London, 1949), 180. 

12. RCHME (Royal Commission on the Historical Monuments of England), City of York, Volume 
V, An Inventory of the Monuments in the Central Area, London: HMSO, 1981, 136-38 (entry for 
nos. 41, 43, 45 Goodramgate, see also Plates 6, 122) . 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 



o t 

f "TV . I 1 


2 . 

-fc- 


3 m. 


Fig 7 

The Newcastle Packet, Scarborough. 

Elevation of the west wall as it existed in 1 898 showing the surviving timber framing with the carved 
corner post on the right. The large double braces at first-floor level are very prominent and are 
comparable to braces at 41-45 Goodramgate, York. 


Coney Street, York, has similar curved double braces but at the corners of the elevation 
rather than at its centre (Figure 8) . As has been pointed out by others, 13 paired braces of this 
kind only occur on the show fronts of houses, and at 16 Coney Street, there are no paired 
braces on the side elevadon which was only exposed when buildings were demolished in the 
eighteenth century to make a new road. That probably means that the west elevadon of The 
Newcastle Packet, now overlooking a narrow alley, may originally have faced a wider space, 
giving the building prominence as a free-standing structure. 

Paired brackets were also at one Ume to be found in a house, now demolished, at 23 Quay 
Street, Scarborough, but limited to a narrow street elevadon, as in Coney Street, York. This 
further demonstrates that although the comer post at The Newcasde Packet is unique to 


13. RCHME, City of York, V, lxiii (see also Plate 1 19 in this volume; the drawing of 16 Coney Street 
provided in Figure 8 is based on the author’s own study of the house) . 




GERMAN PRINTS 


319 



Fig 8 

House at 16 Coney Street, York, showing (left) side elevation with single braces facing New Street, 
and (right) front elevation on Coney Street with double braces to the comers on the first and second 
floors. The original ground-floor walls on both elevations have been replaced by plate-glass shop 
windows. 


Scarborough, other features of The Packet and nearby houses had close parallels with 
buildings in York. It seems likely that there were movements of craftsmen in both directions 
between the two places. 

An important reason why craftsmen may have been doing this travelling was the effort 
being made by Richard III, beginning some years before he became king, to improve 
Scarborough harbour and town wall. 14 There are records of him ordering that 300 oaks 
from the Forest of Pickering should be used in the quay at Scarborough. 13 Richard’s efforts 
to strengthen his base in the north later included improvements and repairs at the casde in 


14. Lucy Toulmin Smith (ed.), The Itinerary of John Leland in or about the years 1535-43 (5 vols., 
London, 1907), Vol. 1, p. 60. A more recent edition isjohn Chandler (ed .), John Leland’s Itinerary 
(Stroud, 1993), 547. 


15. Jack Binns, Heroes and Villains: a Biographical Journey through Scarborough's Past (Pickering: 
2002), 51. 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


York, and for this purpose he issued a commission for “the hasty expedicione of the Kinges 
werkes within the Castelle of Yorke” 16 on 23July 1484, and two months later, sent more 
specific instructions, “to take up and pourvey for us and in oure name... as many masons 
Carpenters Smythes Tilers Emplasterers othre artificiers and laborers to doo us service for 
die furtherance and accomplisshement of oure said werkes”. 17 Both orders were addressed 
not only to the clerk of works at the casde (William Bewick) and two other officials, but also 
to “Robert Bouthe [Booth] dean of oure Chathedral churge of York”. 

The letter included remarks about supplies of timber and stone, and boats and carts to 
carry these materials, but the emphasis on haste, and the fact that the instruction was ad- 
dressed to the Dean of York as well as to the others, may indicate that masons and other 
craftsmen who had been employed on York Minster were to be used at the castle. In fact, 
however, there was litde work in progress at the Minster at this time because the building 
had been completed apart from some pinnacles, crockets and gargoyles, 1 * and had been 
consecrated in July 1472. There had also been less house-building in York since about 1460 
than previously, and the local building industry was undergoing a recession in demand. 
Hence, there would probably be no difficulty in recruiting the artificers Richard III re- 
quired at the castle, and the movement of York carpenters to Scarborough may have been a 
response to better employment prospects there during a time when the town wall and har- 
bour were both being improved. 

Lack of documentation, and lack of precise dates for buildings (such as might be provided 
by dendrochronology) , makes it impossible to be sure about what occurred. However, the 
close similarities between timber-framed buildings in Scarborough and York make it highly 
probable that some York house-carpenters and perhaps other craftsmen worked in 
Scarborough before and during Richard’s reign. As to the carving at The Newcasde Packet, 
one reason why such elaborate decoration was applied to this building may be that it was a 
public building of some sort, in which case the carving was perhaps intended to indicate its 
function and importance. 

So although the existence in Scarborough of high-quality wood carving based on conti- 
nental patterns might be explained by the arrival of an immigrant by sea, there is the alterna- 
tive possibility that a craftsman familiar with continental designs came to Scarborough from 
York. 

YORK CRAFTSMEN 

Although not much is known in detail about building craftsmen working in York, many of 
their names are recorded in lists of men and women admitted to the freedom of the city, 19 
and there are also references in the incomplete fabric rolls of York Minster. The Dam family 


16. Rosemary Horrox and P.W. Hammond (eds.), ‘The Second Register of Richard III”. In: British 
Library Harleian Manuscript 433, vol 2 (Upminster, 1980), 152. 

17. Ibid, 160. 

18. Sarah Brown, York Minster: An Architectural History, c. 1220-1500 (Swindon, 2003), 215. 

19. F. Collins (ed.) , “Register of the Freemen of the City of York”, Publications of the Surtees Society, 
vol. 96, 1897. See also Heather Swanson, Building Craftsmen in Late Medieval York (York, 1981), 
Borthwick Papers 63. 


GERMAN PRINTS 


321 


of carvers, thought to have come originally from the village of Damme near Bruges, emerges 
from these documents as particularly important. 20 David Dam (alias Carver) is first re- 
corded in York before 1450, working on the Guildhall roof. 21 Then in 1470-71 he is re- 
corded as carving bosses for a vault high up under the crossing tower of the Minster. 22 

James (or Jacob) Dam, possibly David’s brother, was admitted to the freedom of the City 
of York in 1455/ 6, and in 1470 was also carving wooden bosses for the Minster crossing 
tower. In 1478 he was doing more work at the Minster but this time carving stone rather 
than wood. 23 It is of interest that his son John Dam, also living in York, was a goldsmith. 24 
On the continent, many goldsmiths were also engravers and printmakers, and sold prints 
and playing cards. It is thought that Master bxg may have been a goldsmith. 25 Hence the 
continental origins of the Dam family combined with their occupational background makes 
it seem likely that they played a part in circulating prints by Master bxg such as were used by 
carvers in Ripon and Scarborough.. Because he was a goldsmith and engraver, John Dam 
would have contacts with printmakers and he also had potential users of the prints among 
the carvers in his own family. 

Some other carvers (as distinct from joiners, carpenters and other wood-workers) who 
were living in York at this time can be listed (with dates indicating when they gained the 
freedom to practice their trade in the city) , 26 

They were: John Denton (whose daughter Margery Rycroft, “hukster”, was also admitted 
to the freedom, 1461), William Colman (1463) John Blackburn (1465) John Croft (1469), 
William Brounflete (1482), Richard Dughty (1486) John Cannyng (1488) and Thomas 
Drawswerd (1494) . This list indicates that there were a number of specialist carvers in 
York, some of whom might work in stone as well as wood. The two best-known names on the 
list are those of Thomas Drawswerd 27 (who had been working on the church at Newark 
before coming to work on York Minster in the 1490s) , and William Brounflete, who was 
probably one of the “Ripon School” of carvers. Twenty years later, in 1518 and 1520, a 
William Bromflet was mentioned as the leading carver at Ripon. 28 However, we cannot be 
sure whether this was the same Bromflet as before, or perhaps his son or nephew. Whatever 
the relationship, a William Bromflet became Wakeman of Ripon in 151 1, and it is notewor- 
thy that Thomas Drawswered held the similar office of Lord Mayor in York in 1515 and 
again later, 29 so the careers of the two men show several parallels. 

20. Harvey, English Medieval Architects, 78. 

21. RCHME, City of York, V, 77. 

22. Raine (ed.), “Fabric Rolls”, 74; also Brown, York Minster, 214-215 (illustrations of bosses carved 
by David Carver alias David Dam). 

23. Raine (ed.), “Fabric Rolls”, 83. 

24. Collins (ed.) , “Register of the Freemen of York”, 206. 

25. Grossinger, Humour and Folly, 41, 183. 

26. Collins (ed.) , “Register of the Freemen of York”, 182-220. The date given in each case is the earlier 
of two consecutive years. 

27. Ibid, 220; Harvey, English Medieval Architects, 87; Brown, York Minster, 239. 

28. J.S. Purvis, “The Ripon carvers and the lost choir stalls of Bridlington Priory”, Yorkshire 
Archaeological Journal, 29, 1929, pp. 157-201. 

29. Swanson, Building Craftsmen in Late Medieval York, 17; Harvey, English Medieval Archi- 
tects, 87. 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 



Fig. 9 

The Newcastle Packet, Scarborough. 

Photograph of the comer post, with the portion of the carving showing the man with the large jar of 
beer on the right-hand side of the post. The brickwork of 1899 has been so placed that this part of the 
carving can only be seen at the oblique angle seen here. 

As to York men who may have worked in Scarborough, a merchant from York, William 
Todd, 30 another one-time mayor (in 1487) was recorded as supplying beef, salt and wood to 
ships leaving Scarborough for Dunbar in 1484. 31 While he was mayor, Fishergate Bar was 
built and the city wall was repaired, so he would have direct knowledge of some local masons 

30. R.B. Dobson (ed.), ‘York City Chamberlains’ Account Rolls, 1396-1500 ”, Publications of the 
Surtees Society, 192, 1978-9, 212. 

31. Horrox and Hammond (eds.) , The Second Register of Richard III, 151. 


GERMAN PRINTS 


323 


and carpenters. He is exacdy the kind of person who may have alerted York craftsmen to 
opportunities for work in Scarborough. Indeed, he may have been a kinsman of a York 
carpenter named Richard Todd. 32 

However, all that can be said at present is that these are typicaloi York woodworkers who 
might have travelled to Scarborough in search of work. They were of the right generation 
and had the right contacts. Moreover, the carvers among them, particularly John Croft and 
William Bromflet (mentioned earlier) were also of the generation that could have been 
trained by leading York carvers active in the 1460s and 1470s, namelyjames Dam or David 
Dam (alias Carver) . Thus if the Dam family was the source from which Master bxg’s prints 
circulated in Yorkshire, Croft and Bromflet were well-placed to take advantage of their 
availability, but there is no definite evidence about what really happened. What is most 
relevant here is that one misericord carved at Ripon during the undocumented period after 
1489 has the design mentioned above based on a print by Master bxg. Since pictures by this 
printmaker also informed carving on The Newcasde Packet in Scarborough, where uniden- 
tified York craftsmen seem to have worked, it is worth wondering whether York was the 
centre from which these prints circulated. Alternatively, it is possible that the prints were 
first imported by the carvers working in Scarborough before others took them to York and 
Ripon. 

CONCLUSION 

The corner post at The Newcastle Packet in Scarborough is clearly the work of a profes- 
sional carver, and its subject matter is related to German prints that were in circulation 
during the 1480s and in a new version by Hans Schaufelein in the 1520s. The timber 
framing as a whole has affinities with framing in York, and seems to belong to the earlier 
rather than the later part of the period suggested by these dates. What is less certain, 
although it still seems highly probable, is that the continental influence evident in the carv- 
ing may have been mediated by York-based craftsmen rather than by immigrants from across 
the North Sea. If this is so, then it is likely that the Dam family of craftsmen played a part in 
circulating the prints that were used in Scarborough, and that a younger generation of 
carvers, some of them perhaps trained by the Dams, did the carving. 

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 

The author is indebted to Dr. Christa Grossinger of Manchester for making the initial suggestion 
of a connection between the Scarborough carving and prints by Master bxg, and is indebted also to 
Christopher Hall of Scarborough for his advice and for copies of the drawings by Frank Tugwell 
(Fig. 1) and R.E. Clarke (Fig. 3). For permission to reproduce illustrations, special thanks are due to 
Christopher Hall (Figs. 1 and 3), Franz J. Lukassen, of Uedem, Germany (Fig. 4), and Harvey 
Miller Publishers (Fig. 5) . All other illustrations are by the author. 


32. Richard Todd took the Freedom of York as a carpenter in 1469-70, Collins (ed.), “Register of the 
Freemen of York”, 190 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


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AN EARLY DESCRIPTION OF THE DEVIL’S ARROWS, 
BOROUGHBRIDGE, NORTH YORKSHIRE 

By John Walford 

The Transactions of the Royal Historical Society for 1 895 includes, amongst other articles, 
a translation of the journal of the 16th century German traveller Lupoid von Wedel, in which 
he described his travels through England and Scotland in the years 1584-5 (von Biilow 
1895) . The entry for 3rd September 1584 reads as follows: 

‘On the 3rd, we were up at twelve o’clock, posting twelve miles to Parrebrug 
(Boroughbridge) , passing the river Nitt (Nidd) on our road. Here flows the Jur (Ure) . We saw 
here five columns, one lying on the ground, which are said to have been erected by a Roman 
in memory of himself when that nation possessed this country. Hence we rode with fresh 
post twelve miles till Northallertun (Northallerton) where we stopped for the night.’ {ibid, 
238-9) 

The italicised place-names are as given in the original German text, with the translator’s 
identifications in brackets. 

This rather obscure source, apparendy providing an early description of the Devil’s Arrows, 
seems not previously to have come to archaeological attention. Certainly Burl did not mention 
it in his 1991 paper concerning that monument. The present author came across it only by 
chance, whilst researching another subject. Hopefully, through the publication of this note, 
it will now be more readily available to future researchers. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Burl, A. 1991, ‘The Devil’s Arrows, Boroughbridge, North Yorkshire: the archaeology of a 
stone row’, YAJ, 63 (1991), 1. 

von Bulow, G., ‘Journey through England and Scotland made by Lupoid von Wedel in the 
years 1584 and 1585’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, N.S. 9 (1895), 223. 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


DONCASTER AND THE CHURCH OF ST GEORGE IN 

THE ELEVENTH CENTURY 

By Brian Barber 


This brief note has two aims: to consider the evidence, firstly, for supposing that, Doncaster 
was a significan t settlement at the time of Domesday and, secondly, for dating the foundation 
of the church of St George, note the church of the ancient parish, to before the Conquest and 
specifically to 1061. The conclusion is that the date of 1061 asserted for the foundation of 
Doncaster, St George rests entirely on error; and that the emergence of Doncaster as a 
significant settlement can most convincingly be dated to the post-Conquest period. 


Joseph Hunter in 1828 fu st claimed Doncaster to have been a ‘considerable place’, at least 
relative to the ‘insignificant’ one that was Hexthorpe, in 1085-6. To support this claim, he 
advanced the apposite analogy of Chesterfield. Like Doncaster, this town of Roman origin 
was noticed in Domesday not on its own account but under Newbold, by the time of his 
writing ‘but a village in the vicinity’, but in 1085-6, like Hexthorpe, the location of the house 
of the Saxon lord. 1 Doncaster, however, had been noticed in Domesday in a wholly summary 
manner as merely one of the places in the soke that pertained to the manor of Hexthorpe. 
According to Hunter, whilst the house of the manorial lord was located at Hexthorpe, the 
two mills which produced an income equal to a twelfth of the value of the entire manor, the 
church and priest that ‘had an endowment beyond the ordinary provision for the parish 
churches’ and the forty sokemen (freemen) enumerated, were all most likely to be found in 
Doncaster. 

Hunter’s contention has proved persuasive to subsequent writers on Doncaster down to 
the present, 2 yet in 1892 this Society in its record series had published a document, unknown 
to the pioneering Hunter, which made two of the bases of his claim disputable. This is the 
inquisition post mortem of 1279 on the death of Peter de Mauley the second, lord of the 
manor of Doncaster and other estates in Yorkshire. 3 According to this, there were five mills 
worth forty marks listed under Doncaster but whilst four were at Doncaster, one was at 
Hexthorpe. It seems less likely that the latter had been built since the Domesday survey and 
more likely that it had been one of the two mills in the manor of Hexthorpe allocated to 
Doncaster alone by Hunter. Likewise, the inquisition itemises the rents paid by the freemen 
of Hexthorpe and Balby and those of the freemen of Wheadey, but lists no such item under 
Doncaster, suggesting that in 1085-6 the freemen were not to be found there as Hunter had 
supposed. 


*J Hunter, South Yorkshire, vol. 1 (London, 1828, reprinted East Ardsley, 1974), p.8. 

2 For instance, most recently in D Hey, Medieval South Yorkshire (Ashbourne, 2003) , page 130. 

3 Yorkshire Archaeological and Topographical Association, Record Series vol. xii, W. Brown, ed., 
Yorkshire Inquisitions, volume I, 1892, pages 198-9. 


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What is of interest about the church, the third of Hunter’s indicators of Doncaster’s early 
urbanity, is not its location (as no one, including the present writer, doubts that it was 
located in Doncaster) , but which church is being referred to in Domesday and, of more 
significance here, the date of its foundation. It is now generally agreed, although the available 
evidence is unable entirely to resolve the matter, that the church dedicated to St Mary 
Magdalene (which was subsequently reduced in status to a chapel and dissolved with all 
other chantries in 1547) and not the later church of St George was probably the original 
church of the ancient parish of Doncaster. In a thorough review of the evidence, T. R. Slater 
persuasively argued that St George’s church, originating as the chapel of the casde, became 
the parish church in place of St Mary Magdalene in 1320. 4 Whilst accepting much of Slater’s 
argument, R J. P. Goldberg suggests a deliberate refoundation of St George’s church as part 
of the comprehensive reorganisation of the borough, taking advantage of a serious fire in 
1204, by its new manorial lord. 5 Neither of these authors considers a foundation date of 
1061 yet that is what is claimed for the church in two standard and influential works of 
reference, The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church (ODCC), and the Oxford 
Dictionary of National Biography (ODNB) (which in this respect follows the opinion of the 
earlier dictionary) . Either of these works could probably be the source of the many references 
to this foundation date now to be found on the internet. 6 This is not only a precociously 
early date for a church with a dedication to St George but if true would also offer a uniquely 
precise dating for any ecclesiastical foundation in this part of the Danelaw and so it may be 
worthwhile to consider its validity. 

The sources in English cited in the ODCC articles do not identify an archival or a 
bibliographical origin for the claimed date of foundation of Doncaster, St George. Indeed, 
one of them, G. J. Marcus, St George of England (published in 1929 and not, as cited there, 
1939) , specifically states that the author knows of only one church and one monastery 
dedicated to St George in pre-conquest times, the former atFordington, Dorset and the 
latter atThetford, founded by Canute. 7 After investigating possible sources, it seems most 
likely that the date of 1061 was originally given credibility by the second edition of the 
translation and expansion by the distinguished eighteenth century antiquary Richard Gough 
of William Camden’s Britannia. The first edition of 1789 contains nothing that could be 
used to date the church, but such a reference does appear in the second edition of 1806. 
However, it appears that in this edition only the first volume was corrected and enlarged by 
the distinguished antiquary. The corrections and additions to the subsequent three volumes 


4 See T. R. Slater, ‘Doncaster’s Town Plan: An Analysis’, in P. C. Buckland, J. R. Magilton and C. 
Hayfield, The Archaeology of Doncaster 2: The Medieval and Later Town, British Archaeological 
Reports British Series, 202 (1989) , pp. 49-50 and (especially) p.52. 

3 P.J. P. Goldberg, ‘From Conquest to Corporation’ in G. Martin and others, Doncaster: A borough 
and its charters (Doncaster, 1994) , pp.55-7. 

6 Articles on St George in F. L. Cross and E. A. Livingstone (eds), The Oxford Dictionary of the 
Christian Church, 2nd edition, (1974), p.557 and 3rd edition, (1997), pp. 664-5 and The Oxford 
Dictionary of National Biography, vol. 21 (2004), pp. 775-91. 1 am grateful to Dr Henry Summerson, 
the author of the ODNB article, for his helpful reply to my enquiry about his sources. 

7 1 owe this reference to Michael Chambers of the Humanities Reference Service of the British 
Library, London and I am grateful to him also for other bibliographical information relating to the 
subject under review. 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


(and tiie entries for Doncaster appeal' in volume four) were presumably made on the initiative 
of his publisher. The edition of 1806 contains the statement that ‘ [t]he oldest piece of 
antiquity in the church [of St George, Doncaster] is a Saxon font, in which children are yet 
baptised. It is of freestone, and made in the reign of Edward the Confessor. The date, now 
obliterated, was 106T. 8 The source of this information is unknown, 9 but the existence of the 
font, and its once-inscribed date, was well known locally. Both early-nineteenth century 
historians of Doncaster specifically referred to it but, however, made reservations. Edward 
Miller, believing the church to date from 1071 (his source for this was another inscribed 
stone taken out of the wall of the east end in 1 797) , observed about the ‘Saxon Font’ that ‘ [i] ts 
date, now obliterated, was 1061 and it must have been introduced into the Church some 
time after it was built’. Hunter was openly sceptical: ‘ [t] he font is made to bear the date 1061, 
but it has nothing in its form to bespeak so high antiquity’. 10 Further investigation of the font 
is now impossible as a result of the destruction of the church by fire on 28 February 1853, 
but the Reverend J. E. Jackson, who published his detailed history and description of the 
church two years after its demise, echoed Hunter’s doubt over the genuineness of the 
inscription. He described the design as Early English, ‘no doubt coeval with the older Church’, 
noted the date, which he clearly regarded as spurious, and reproduced an engraving of the 
font. 11 On the basis of this evidence, it seems acceptable to conclude that the date of 1061 
asserted for the foundation of Doncaster, St George rests entirely on an error, based on the 
general acceptance of a statement made in an edition of a work by a highly-respected antiquary. 
However, it was not, in fact, made by the author and, regrettably, is based on the uncritical 
acceptance of wholly unreliable evidence. It thus seems reasonable to believe that the 
emergence of Doncaster as the principal settlement within the manor and soke of Hexthorpe 
can be most convincingly dated to the post-Conquest period. 


8 William Camden’s Britannia. . .translated from the edition published by the author in MDCVII. 
Enlarged by the latest discoveries by Richard Gough, 2nd edition, vol. Ill, (London, 1806), p.270. 
The question of the authorship of the additions to the first edition that appear in the later volumes 
of the second edition is not addressed by the authors of the biographies of Gough in either the DNB 
(vol. 22, 1900, pp. 279-82) or the ODNB. Both are agreed that Gough himself did not participate in 
the second edition beyond the first volume and that there are no further corrections or additions to 
the subsequent three volumes. However, a comparison of the entries for Doncaster show that while 
the entry on page 3 of volume three of the 1789 edition and that on page 235 of the 1806 edition are 
identical, there are substantial additions to the main entry for Doncaster in 1806 (volume 4, pp. 269- 
70) when compared to the first edition (volume 3, pp. 269-70) , in which the latest reference is to the 
renovation of the parish church in 1797. 

9 It appears not to have been The Gentleman ’s Magazine, as there is no entry for it in G. L .Gomme, 
editor, The Gentleman ’s Magazine Library: English Topography, Part xiv (Worcestershire - York- 
shire), edited by FA Milne, (London, 1902). It may, however, have originated with the antiquary R. 
J. Tetlow of Pontefract who was remunerated by the corporation of Doncaster in September 1771 
for completing a translation of its charters and ancient title deeds, as a reference to the contents of 
some of the title deeds, including specifically one of 1416, also appears in the entry for Doncaster in 
the 1806 edition, p. 270. (J.Jenkinson , Doncaster Borough Courtier volume 4, 1759-1814, (Doncaster, 
2006), p.46. 

10 E. Miller, The History and Antiquities of Doncaster, (Doncaster, [1804]), page 71 andj. Hunter, 
op. cit., vol. 1, p.37. 

•' J. E. Jackson, The history and description of St George’s Church at Doncaster, destroyed by fire 
February 28, 1853 (London, 1855) , p.26 and figure 3 on plate VIII, a reference kindly supplied to me 
by Dr Charles Kelham of Doncaster Archives. 


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AN EARLY RAILWAY BUILDING: THE WEIGHING 

MACHINE HOUSE, WHITBY 

By Andrew White 

Beside the line of the modern railway line leading south out of Whitby along the valley of 
the Esk at NZ898098 is the min of a little stone building, of great interest as a piece of very 
early railivay architecture. The building is that used to house the weighing machine for 
goods carried on the original horse-drawn Whitby and Pickering Railway, and dates from 
1834. The railway was at that time unfinished, but an important source of revenue for the 
company ivas the carnage of stone being quarried by the Whitby Stone Company a few miles 
further up the Esk valley. The early date of the weighing-house must be seen in that context. 


The building is of one storey and has a flat front to the track, dominated by a large window 
opening used to oversee the weighing process and for the issuing of papers. It probably had 
internal shutters or opening glazed sections, as it is rebated. The two matching side entrances 
are set back from this rectangular office and the back wall of the building is curved, forming 
a semi-circle with three windows to light it and one blank opening to preserve symmetry. 
The main window and door reveals and all the corners of the building are radiused. The 
masonry is in beautifully-cut coursed ashlar blocks of 230-250mm height with narrowjoints. 
From what is left of the interior it seems that there were two rooms, a small rectangular one 
at the front, forming the office, entered by a door in its northern wall, and a larger one with 
the curved wall at the back, providing family accommodation. On the evidence of the 
former chimney stack with two chimneys it appears that both rooms were heated by fireplaces. 
Traces of these can be seen set back to back in the remaining stub of the central wall. This 
wall is also of stone, of similar quality to the outer walls. The 1852 OS 60-inch map also 
shows a small square projection at the rear of the curved wall. The remaining traces of this 
suggest it was a small privy with thinner walls and a lean-to roof, set partly belowground level 
and with an entrance door in the south wall (Figs. 1 8c 2) . Maximum width of the building 
overall is 9.25 m and maximum depth, including the privy extension, is 9.45 m. 

The machinery of the weighing machine itself may have been positioned mostly under the 
track, with only a vertical post entering the front office, on to which counterbalance weights 
could be hooked. The machinery was probably similar to that on the Welsh tramways, such 
as that on the Banwen Ironworks Railway. Here, at Ban wen Pyrddin in West Glamorgan, a 
weighbridge house and its associated machinery, dating from 1845, have been excavated. 1 
The weighbridge worked on the lever principle, the length of the lever allowing the heavy 
truck to be counterbalanced by a relatively small weight, which then gave a proportional 
reading. The owner of the site, Mr Gordon Hill, tells me that he found traces of a neat hole 
in the paving of the front office on the south west corner when he cleared the floor, with 
some evidence of fixings in the wall above. 

1 S. Hughes, The Archaeology of an Early Railway System. The Brecon Porest Tramroads, The 
Royal Commission on Ancient and Historical Monuments in Wales (Aberystwyth, 1990) , 
pp. 182-4, 333-4. 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 



Fig. 1. Plan of the Whitby Weighing House based on field survey and old photographs 



1 metre 


Fig. 2. Front elevation of the Whitby Weighing House based upon field survey and old photograph 


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A strong cornice and a recessed parapet concealed the low-pitched roof or roofs, the 
nature of which can only be surmised from the rainwater heads emerging through the 
parapet, shown on an old photograph in K. Hoole, North-Eastern Branch Line Termini. 2 At 
the front of both this building and its companion, described below, the parapets were pitched 
in a slight suggestion of a pediment. 

The litde engraving by G. Dodgson, published by Henry Belcher in 1 836 (Fig. 3) , 3 shows a 
smaller building on the opposite side of the double track, a building whose presence seems to 
be confirmed by Pickernell’s map of 1841. It was demolished before the 1852 OS 60-inch map 
was produced, and only the present building is shown at the very extremity of that map. In 
design the smaller one mirrored the style of the surviving building, but consisted of only a 
single room, with a front having slight recessed comers. Whereas the larger building had two 
chimneys, implying two fireplaces set back to back, the smaller building had a single stack. 
Both buildings were in a very simple but muscular Grecian style, not dissimilar to that used by 
Jesse Hartley in the contemporary Live rpool waterfront, and representing a pre-Gothic phase 
in railway architecture which seems typical of the 1830s. If anything, the influences seem to 
come from contemporary military architecture, especially the radiused arrises. 

Early in 1 834 the company papers show that Hutchinsons and Kitchens were among firms 
which tendered for a weighing machine. 4 The latter subsequendy won the contract for it in 
April, after George Stephenson, the company’s engineer, had suggested some modifications, 
and the company ordered a house for it to be begun. Confusingly, a weighing machine which 



Fig. 3. Engraving of the Whitby Weighing House and another building by G. Dodgson, 1836 


2 K Hoole, North-Eastern Branch Line Termini (Poole, 1985), p.158. 

3 H. Belcher, Illustrations of the Scenery on the line of the Whitby and Pickering Railway 
(London, 1836), p. 19. 

4 The Directors’ Minutes are in The National Archives (Rail 742) and have been used to good 
effect to produce a narrative of the building work by G. Reussner in successive issues of 
Moorsline, the magazine of the North Yorkshire Moors Railway Preservation Society. The 
relevant issues are Moorsline, 62 (1982-3), pp.9-10; 64 (1983), pp.9-10; 65 ( 1983), pp.5-7; 66 

( 1983-4) , pp.8-10; 67 ( 1984) , pp.8-9; 68 ( 1984) , pp.7-8; 69 (1984) , pp.22-4; 70 (1984) , pp. 18- 
20; 71 (1985), pp.11-13; 72 (1985), pp.9-11; 73 (1985), pp.14-15; 74 (1986), pp.14-15; 75 (1986), 
pp. 13-15; 76 (1986-7) , pp. 12-1 3. 



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would weigh up to 10 tons was offered by Mr Hudson of Guisborough at this time for the 
sum of £47. Perhaps this was an interim device, as there seems to have been a great desire to 
push on with facilities for the Whitby Stone Company, 5 whose wharf was a little way 
downstream from die site of the warehouse, and to secure some revenue from that source. A 
later reference, of 1835, shows that a contract was issued for the weighing machine to 
Kitchens of Warrington. By early 1836 another Weigh House was under construction at 
Pickering, and there may have been a diird at Grosmont. Perhaps Kitchens supplied several 
machines. According to the trade directories for Warrington, Richard Kitchen was a 
specialist maker of weighing machines, in Church Street in 1829 and in Scotland Road by 
1 844. 6 Early railways and canals were not generally carriers. They merely provided a means 
by which others could carry goods, so weighing-houses or gauging-houses were very important 
to them for extracting the maximum revenue from their users. 

The records show diat the Weighing Machine House was built (and possibly designed) by 
John Bolton junior, stonemason and architect of Whitby. Either he or his father had in 1825-7 
designed the Library, Museum and Baths building in Pier Road. John Bolton senior died in 
1826. According to the Yorkshire Gazette, ‘a very handsome weighing house is being built by 
Mr Bolton of Whitby’. 7 John Bolton junior is recorded in the 1851 Census Enumerators’ 
Returns as an employer of 27 men, and he died in 1 862. 8 Much of his later work may have been 
upon the new West Cliff development His father’s name first appeal's in the trade directories 
in 1798, and on plans submitted for a faculty in 1818-19 for a new northern extension to the 
Parish Church, 9 so almost certainly he designed and perhaps built this. 

In early 1835 the Weighing-House must have been completed as Alfredjefferson was 
appointed Weighhouse Keeper at a salary of 1 8s. per week. His wife was to take ‘ his place as 
Toll collector when circumstances may require his presence upon other parts of the line’. 
Jefferson’s family lived in the Weighing Machine House, rather like the tollkeeper at a 
turnpike gate. Indeed, in the 1841 Census Enumerators’ Returnsjefferson is recorded as 
‘toll keeper’, living at The Batts (the address of the Weighing-House) with his wife, their 
daughter and son. 10 It is possible that the smaller building opposite accommodated a clerk 
and his family as William Mortimer, clerk, aged 40, appears as a neighbour in the same 
Census Enumerators’ Return, but this is merely surmise. Other personnel seem to have lived 
nearby. At the Ship Yard, which provided accommodation for a wide range of people, lived 
Matthew Groves, 27, coach driver in 1841 - the driver of the horse-drawn railway coach. 

The position of the Weighing House was a short distance to the south of the Stone Company’s 
Quay at Bog Hall and was intended to catch all the stone brought down from the quarries 
before it could be transhipped. The position was also dictated by available space, as the 

5 G. Young, A Picture of Whitby and its Environs, 2nd edn (Whitby, 1840), pp.221-2. 

6 National Commercial Directory for 1828-9; Cumberland, Lancashire and Westmorland, Pigot 
Sc Co., facsimile edn., (London and Manchester, 1995), and Directory of Towns in the 
Environs of Liverpool, I. Slater, (Manchester, 1844). 

7 Yorkshire Gazette, 29 November 1834. 

8 Census Enumerators’ Returns, 1851, Yorkshire, Whitby District 2, p.19. 

9 A plan and specification byjohn Bolton dated 1818-1819 can be found on the website 
illustrating the work of the Incorporated Church Building Society, at 

www.churchplansonline.org. For Bolton’s other works in Whitby see A. White, The Buildings of 
Georgian Whitby (Keele, 1995). 

10 Census Enumerators’ Returns, 1841, Yorkshire, Whitby, District 19, p.39 


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Fig. 4. Photograph of Whitby Weighing House from the south west taken in 2006, complete with 
boarding and overgrowth 


trackbed lies on a narrow shelf gained from the river, and the weighing house stands at the very 
beginning of a wider piece of level ground on the riverward side, which is known as The Batts, 
and was later also the site of the Gas Works. The weighing house may have had a short life, 
being superseded when the railway was relaid for steam haulage in 1 845-7. Why the need for 
a weighing house passed is not clear. Either the reduction in stone traffic or an alternative 
means of weighing could be conjectured. Jefferson, however, kept hisjob with the railway, 
appearing as a clerk at Ruswarp Station in 1 85 1 and as Station Master by 1 861 . 1 1 

The continued state of dereliction of this excepdonally interesting early railway building 
is a disgrace to Whitby. The current occupier has made considerable and commendable 
efforts to protect it from further decay, but clearly anything more is beyond an individual. 
Such buildings are very limited in number and the Whitby and Pickering Railway 12 with its 
early date and unusual design for horse traction make this special. A clearance of the 
overgrowth, excavation of the interior, safeguarding of fallen stones and a detailed survey of 
the structure, if not actual repair, would be highly desirable outcomes, as well perhaps as 
some statutory protection. 

11 Census Enumerators’ Returns, 1851, Yorkshire, Ruswaq:>, District 4, p. 27; 1861, Yorkshire, 
Ruswarp, District 15, p.32. 

12 The standard works on the Whitby and Pickering Railway are G. W. J. Potter, A History of the 
Whitby and Pickering Railway, repr. by S. R. Publishers Ltd., (East Ardsley, Wakefield, 1969), 
from the original edition of 1906, and D. Joy, Whitby and Pickering Railway, Dalesman 
Publishing Company Ltd., (Clapham, Yorks, 1969). 





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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


WAS THERE A FIRE AT THORP GREEN HALL? 

By Helier Hibbs 


The assertion that Thorp Green Hall, north-west, of York, was destroyed by fire in 1898 is examined 
and challenged. 


In YAJ 76 (2004), the editor interpolated on pages 189-90 a reference to ‘Thorp 
Green Hall which is now known as Thorp Underwood Hall, having been rebuilt about 
a hundred years ago after a disastrous fire’. Mr Helier Hibbs, editor of Victorian Ouseburn: 
George Whitehead's Journal (Ouseburn, 1990) has written to challenge this statement 
which was based on the information displayed on the brass plaque outside Thorp 
Underwood Hall and the web-site of Queen Ethelburga’s College, which now occupies 
the Hall. Mr Hibbs points out that the earliest reference he has traced to the story of a 
fire is as recent as May 1955 in an article by Colin Crofts in Yorkshire Life Illustrated, 
although George Gaunt, gardener at the Hall between 1948 and the early 1970s, re- 
members (in conversation with Mr Hibbs in August 2006) seeing burnt timbers in the 
roof of the surviving part of the old house and always understood that there had been 
a fire. The strange thing is that, if this were true, why was the event not mentioned by 
George Whitehead, who lived close by, was in contact with the family at the Hall through- 
out this period, and meticulously chronicled local events in his journal? 

Colin Crofts states that ‘a fair part of the Hall - then occupied by the Slingsby’s - fell 
to fire’. That fire, according to the brass plaque, was in 1898. George Whitehead re- 
corded that the Meysey Thompson family was living at Thorp Green Hall at that time 
and that the Slingsbys bought the Hall in the spring of 1900, moving in there in the 
October. The Census of 1901 confirms that the head of household on 31 March 1901 
was Frederick W. Slingsby, a retired barrister, who was resident with his wife, young son, 
and eight servants. There was as yet no indication of a disastrous fire having destroyed 
the Hall so as to necessitate a complete rebuilding. Whitehead tells us further that 
rents were being paid at the Hall in December 1901 but, significandy, goes on to record 
that Slingsby began building what became Thorp Underwood Hall in June 1902 - 
‘There was not a brick on the site before’. It would appear from this that the building 
of the new Hall some fifty metres south-west of the old Hall preceded any fire which 
might have destroyed or rendered uninhabitable the old Hall. The parallel existence 
of the two Halls suggests that the reason for the new building was not a fire, but Slingsby’s 
desire for a comfortable modern residence in the fashionable neo-Tudor style, de- 
signed by the leading Arts and Crafts movement architect in York, W. H. Brierley. 

In February 1903 Whitehead does record a small fire at a house nearby, and a com- 
parison of the Ordnance Survey map of 1852 with the 1910 edition does show a much 
smaller footprint for Thorp Green Hall, so it may be that there was a fire at some point 
between 1902 and 1910 which was the origin both of the stories about the fire and the 
charred beams recalled by George Gaunt. But that was not the fire of the brass plaque, 
or the web-site, which would appear to have been based on mistaken assumptions. 


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A RITUALIST PRIEST IN LEEDS: AN ASSESSMENT OF 
THE FIRST FIFTEEN YEARS OF JOHN WYLDE’S 

INCUMBENCY AT ST SAVIOUR’S CHURCH (1877-1929) 

By Roy Yates 

John Wylde zuas inducted as Vicar of St Saviour's Church, Leeds, in 1877. He served there 
for a remarkable fifty-two years. For the first fifteen years of his incumbency he kept a ‘day 
book ’ in which he made brief notes of what he did from day to day. This record, together 
with the church magazine, St Saviour’s Monthly Paper, which he also started in 1877, pro- 
vides evidence of how he helped to rescue St Saviour’s from its disastrous start and laid the 
foundation for its establishment as an accepted part of the Leeds ecclesiastical scene in the 
ritualist tradition. 

INTRODUCTION 

To understand the importance of this remarkable ministry we need to know something 
about the building of the church and the suspicion and intrigue that surrounded its earliest 
years. 1 2 St Saviour’s Church, Leeds, was consecrated in 1845. It was the anonymous gift of 
the leading Tractarian, E. B. Pusey, as a memorial to his late wife. His idea was that the 
principles of the Oxford Movement might be put into practice in the parish life of a north- 
ern industrial town. Pusey had no idea of the troubles in which this church would involve 
him when he responded to the request of his friend, W. F. Hook, then Vicar of Leeds, to 
‘Come to Leeds - a most needy place. ”The original leaders of the Oxford Movement were 
clerical dons, learned men whose sphere was almost entirely that of college common room 
rather than parish life. At a time when theological colleges were unheard of it was the 
colleges of Oxford and Cambridge which were the nursery of the church’s ministry. Here a 
whole generation of students was inspired with a new vision of the church, ministry and 
sacraments. But as they went out to their ministry in the parishes, without the constraints 
and balanced arguments of academia, they began to develop a more elaborate ceremonial. 
For them movement, colour and ceremonial spoke more powerfully than the written word of 
a closely argued text. The new ceremonial began quite modestly with only litde signs, like 
wearing a scarf embroidered at the end with crosses, or preaching in a surplice rather than 
a black Geneva gown. The use of altar cross, lighted candles, mixed chalice, and incense 
followed by degrees into full-blown ritualism. 

The Oxford leaders were not always happy with these novelties, yet there was something 
in the thought of the Oxford Movement which cohered easily with this revival. Newman, 
Keble and Pusey were relatively indifferent to ‘ritual’ compared to those who claimed to be 
their successors. Newman, who referred to them as the gilt-gingerbread school’ 3 , was quite 

1 For a general survey of St Saviour’s, see Nigel Yates, The Oxford Movement and Parish Life: 

St. Saviours, Leeds, 1839-29, Borthwick Papers No. 48 (York, 1975). Wylde’s pastorate is dealt 
with on pp.23-7. 

2 Hook to Pusey, 3 April 1839, in H. P. Liddon Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey (London, 4th 
edn, 1894), vol.II, p.467. 

3 S. L. Ollard A Shorter History of the Oxford Movement (London, 1915), pp. 16-18. 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


conservative in his own practice as an Anglican priest. He always celebrated communion at 
die nordi end of the altar, rather than die eastward posidon. And, aldiough he was not hostile 
to ceremonial innovation, he seems not to have been interested in the subject. His real 
interest lay in publishing the Tracts for the Times, and in editing The Library of the Fathers. 
Likewise Keble believed that the Ornaments Rubric of the Prayer Book sanctioned most 
pre- Reformadon ceremonial and usages, but he did not see them as important enough to 
fight for. His role in any dispute over ritual was that of conciliator and pastor. Pusey too was 
often out of sympathy with those who claimed to be his followers. In 1866 he addressed the 
English Church Union: 

It is well known that I never was a ritualist. . . .In our early days we were anxious on the subject 
of ritual. . . . We had a further distinct fear with regard to ritual; and we privately discouraged it, 
lest the whole movement should become superficial. ... We felt it was much easier to change a 
dress than to change the heart, and that externals might be gained at the cost of the doctrines 
themselves. . . . We had also ground for fear lest it should be thought we were only engaged in a 
matter of external order. 4 5 6 7 

Yet none of them could doubt that the impulse to ornament the ministers in pre-Reforma- 
tion style, to restore the worship of the church to old patterns, to re-introduce practices like 
sacramental confession and institutions like religious orders, was latent in the ideas of the 
earlier years of the Oxford Movement. 

The incidence of ritual innovation at parochial level before 1845 was modest and rare, 
and included the vesting of choristers in surplices. The first parish church to have a surpliced 
choir was St Peter’s in Leeds in 1818, when Richard Fawcett was Vicar of Leeds. 3 The 
practice was abandoned in 1826 after a noisy vestry meeting, during which one of the 
parishioners is reputed to have said that, ‘in his estimation the idea of a dozen persons 
dressed in surplices chanting the praise of God . . . was not only a relic of popery, it was the 
dregs of popery. ’ b A robed choir was not re-introduced into Leeds Parish Church until 1841, 
when W. F. Hook rebuilt the church, and also introduced lighted candles, daily choral serv- 
ices, and weekly communion/ 

In spite of the moderate high-churchmanship of W. F. Hook at the Leeds Parish Church, 
it was a shock to the town, with its bias towards Nonconformity at this time, when the 
church of St Saviour began to develop a different pattern of ministry and style of worship. It 
was based on a college of priests who would form a sort of religious community, sharing 
together in daily devotions in the church and vicarage. They would be able to offer pastoral 
support to one another, and to be a focus for those who came to visit the pair sh either to be 
taught, for retreat, or to share for a while in parish life. In this way a celibate priesthood 
could also form a mutually supporting community as they attempted to serve a tough north- 
ern parish. Pusey supported this pattern of ministry, and for a while it was the preferred 


4 Quoted in Liddon, Pusey, vol.IV p.212. 

5 D. Webster Parish Past and Present: 275 Years of Leeds Parish Church Music (Leeds, 1988), 

p.22. 

6 Leeds Mercury, 26 Nov. 1826. 

7 See H. W. Dalton, Anglican Resurgence under W. F. Hook in Early Victorian Leeds. Church 
Life in a Nonconformist Town, 1836-1851, Thoresby Society, 2nd series vol. 12 (Leeds, 2002), 
esp. pp. 59-60. 


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pattern of the Ecclesiological Society. 8 Later they came round to support the pattern of a 
robed choir and choral services. The alternatives were being set out in Leeds: Hook at St 
Peter’s Parish Church pioneering daily choral services sung by a robed choir, and the clergy 
of St Saviour’s trying to form a college of priests. Eventually it was Hook’s pattern that took 
root in the majority of parishes throughout the land. 

The St Saviour’s clergy were exploring the catholic end of the Anglican spectrum, in- 
cluding the place of ceremonial and confession, and they were doing this at least as early as 
Tractarian parishes in London. 9 The pattern of worship is described by the Revd. James 
Davies, who visited St Saviour’s for its patronal festival in 1 848. 

There is a full choral service at half-past seven in the morning and at the same hour in the 
evening. At eleven o’clock is the communion service and for the week of the festival it is 
administered every day - and each day there were more than twenty communicants besides the 
clergy - and All Saints Day I dare say there were fifty. ... I officiated at the altar. . . . The epistoller 
and gospeller knelt behind me; behind them knelt two rows of the clergy, and behind them the 
singing men and choristers all in surplices. At the time of the consecration most of the clergy . . . 
were prostrate - that is the forehead as well as the knees touched the pavement. 10 

The ritual innovations were relatively modest by later standards, but they nevertheless 
caused offence to W. F. Hook and to Bishop Longley, who saw them as a threat to the stability 
of their work elsewhere. In the end it was not the introduction of ceremonial that caused 
greatest offence, but the practice of sacramental confession. 1 1 Matters came to a head during 
the incumbency of the third vicar, Thomas Minster. Two of his curates mishandled the 
confession of a married woman by asking indelicate questions, and by giving the impression 
that confession was a pre-requisite to receiving communion. Following an inquiry the bishop, 
Dr. C. T. Longley, suspended them both. Minster was put in an impossible position, and 
resigned from his post. He had hoped to withdraw quietly, but the news broke diat the first 
vicar of St Saviour’s, Richard Ward, and two former curates hadjoined the Roman Catholic 
Church. Minster and two of his three curates decided to take the same course. By 1851 nine 
of the clergy who had worked at St Saviour’s had seceded to Rome. There was a series of 
hostile reports in the local press. Under the heading, ‘Perverts to the Church of Rome’, the 
Leeds Intelligencer maintained: 

It is impossible to believe that the change of faith in these persons has not taken place until 
now, and the overt act of their secession is but the termination of their treason to a church of 
which they were unfaithful servants. 12 


8 J. F. White The Cambridge Movement (Cambridge, 1962), pp. 96-7; J. H. Pollen, Narrative of 
Five Years at St. Saviour's, Leeds (Oxford, 1851), p. 14. The Camden Society, founded in 
Cambridge in 1839 to promote the architecture of the High Church movement, became the 
Ecclesiological Society in 1845. 

9 Fredrick Oakley pioneered Tractarian parish worship at the Margaret Street Chapel in 
London from 1839. See P. Galloway A Passionate Humility: Fredrick Oakley and the Oxford 
Movement ( Leominster, 1999), pp. 42-66. 

10 West Yorkshire Archives, Leeds [hereafter WYAS], RDP 69/7, James Davies to his Mother, 7 
Nov. 1848. 

11 The story of these turbulent years is told by R. Yates ‘St. Saviour’s Church, Leeds, and the 
Oxford Movement’ ( Publication of the Thoresby Society - forthcoming). See also N. Yates, 
Oxford Movement, pp.5-9. 

12 Leeds Intelligencer, 5 April 1851. 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


Amid the recriminations and accusations it is hard to put together an objective account of 
what actually happened. The course of the proceedings can best be followed by piecing 
together the accounts given by the bishop in his Letter to the parishioners of St Saviour's 
and The Statement of the Clergy of St Saviour's , 13 Pusey paid a short visit to Leeds to see 
whether anything could be done to retrieve the situation. His note to Keble, written on his 
return to Oxford, shows he had little hope of anything positive happening: ‘I had a sad visit 
to St Saviour’s. It has again to be built up from the foundation.’ 14 

Pusey’s task was now to find another incumbent for St Saviour’s. With the benefit of 
hindsight his choice of the Revd. J. W. Knott was a mistake. His incumbency from 1851 to 
1859 was marked by a strange combination of emotional evangelical preaching and Tractarian 
worship. 15 His successor, the Revd. Richard Collins, began to lay the foundations for a more 
stable regime, promoting St Saviour’s as a typical Anglo-Catholic parish. He re-introduced 
an altar cross and candles, organ, vesUnents and incense. Steps were taken to make contact 
with Tractarian parishes elsewhere, and many of the famous Anglo-Catholic clergy came to 
visit and to preach. Collins became a member of the Society of the Holy Cross, and the 
parish supported the English Church Union. However Collins was not a well man. He suf- 
fered from a weak heart, which led to extended absences from the parish. Eventually he died 
of a heart attack at the early age of 49. Under him the foundation had been laid for St 
Saviour’s to enter a period of stability as a ritualistic church typical of the later nineteenth 
and early twentieth centuries during the long incumbency ofjohn Wylde. lh 

THE ARRIVAL OFJOHN WYLDE AT ST SAVIOUR’S 

During the thirty-one years since the consecration, the parish of St Saviour’s had changed 
much. There had been a great increase in population, and employment had diversified from 
textiles to include engineering. Leeds itself had become more diverse and prosperous, al- 
though the ‘Bank’ (the poor area of back-to-back housing around the church) always re- 
mained the province of the poor. There was a great work to be done there, and St Saviour’s 
was about to enter a period of stability during which the vision of its founder would eventu- 
ally be realized. 

The patronage of the parish was still in the hands of trustees: E. B. Pusey, William Bright, 
H. P. Liddon, and Edward Stuart Talbot. Thereafter it passed to Keble College, Oxford. 
After the usual enquiries they presentedjohn Wylde as incumbent. Wylde had previously 
been curate of West Bromwich, and before that a student of Magdalen College, Oxford. He 
had been ordained deacon in 1866 and priest in 1868 by the Bishop of Lichfield. 17 During 
the interregnum the Bishop of Ripon has signed the usual sequestration requiring that the 
fees, tithes and rents belonging to the vicar of the parish be presewed for the use of the next 

13 C. T. Longley Letter to the Parishioners of St. Saviour's (London, 1851); The Statement of the 

Clergy of St. Saviour’s, Leeds, in Reference to the Recent Proceedings Against Them 
(Leeds and Oxford, 1851). See also N. Yates, Oxford Movement, pp.9-16. 

14 Pusey to Keble, 23 March 1851, in Liddon, Pusey, vol.III, p.364. 

15 N. Yates, Oxford Movement, pp. 17-19. 

16 N. Yates, Oxford Movement, pp. 20-22; St. Saviour’s and St. Hilda’s: List of Preachers and 
Officials 1845-1848, (Typescript in Leeds Central Library: Local History LQ 283 SA23). 

17 WYAS, RDP 69/22, Ordination and Other Papers of the Revd. John Wylde: Ordination 
Certificate to the Diaconate, 27 May 1866; Ordination Certificate to the Priesthood by George 
Augustus, Bishop of Lichfield, 7june 1868. 


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vicar, and charging the churchwardens to see that the cure of souls and the sacraments and 
divine offices were duly administered. 18 Wylde was Pusey’s last appointment to St Saviour’s, 
and possibly his best. He was a conscientious parish priest, who, during an incumbency of 
nearly fifty three years turned St Saviour’s from a place of notoriety into part of the ecclesi- 
astical establishment of the north of England. 

Parish organisation under Richard Collins had begun to drift a litde. Certainly he was no 
organiser. The vestry minute book gives the impression of a gentle, well-meaning, but ineffi- 
cient chairmanship. 19 On his appointment as vicar, Wylde immediately took charge of the 
situation with a firm and steady hand. He appears to have been a skilled organiser and an 
efficient chairman of meetings. Churchwardens were elected and annual accounts regularly 
presented. The later parochial church council minute books confirm this impression. 20 The 
minutes are concise and to the point, reflecting ordered meetings where members made 
their contributions and were then brought to a point of consensus and decision. 

On his appointment, but before his before his arrival and induction to the living, the 
churchwardens had written to Wylde about the conduct of services at St Saviour’s. In reply 
Wylde quietly but firmly pointed out: 

Until I am inducted, I have, as you know, no rights of any kind with regard to the Parish, and 
it would be only a piece of interference on my part if I were now to take on myself to provide 
for the parish. Still I felt your courtesy and consideration very much in consulting me, and I 
hope to be inducted next week. I shall then of course be responsible. 21 

He gave advice, but hoped matters could be left over until he had the right to decide. 
Wylde was inducted into the living of St Saviour’s on 20 February 1877 by the rural dean, 
John Gott, Vicar of Leeds. 22 He was thirty six years old at the time. At first he made little 
change beyond the introduction of Hymns Ancient and Modem, the resumption of lighted 
candles on the altar, and the re introduction of a daily Eucharist. His primary concern was to 
be a dedicated and prayerful parish priest, ministering to his people without causing a stir. 
He stuck rigidly to the rubrics of the Book of Common Prayer without indulging in any of 
the ritualistic excesses that were attracting adverse publicity elsewhere. The pattern of 
ministry Wylde was keen to establish can be deduced from the parish records, which include 
nine volumes of sermons, retreat addresses and quotations, 23 as well as a Day Book in which 
he kept a record of all the parishioners he visited and other notes for his first fifteen years at 
St Saviour’s. 24 Also in October 1877 Wylde began to issue a parish magazine called St 
Saviour’s Monthly Paper, which gives further insights into parish life at the time. 25 Together 

18 WYAS, RDP 69/22, Various Papers Connected with the Benefice and Dilapidations: 
Sequestration during Vacancy, 8 Dec. 1876. 

19 WYAS, RDP 69/13, Minutes of the Vestry 1858 to 1924. In some years (e.g. 1869 and 1876) 
there was no Vestry Meeting for the election of churchwardens. 

20 WYAS, RDP 69/14, PCC Minute Books 1 (1913-1924), 2 (1924-1930). Many social matters were 
dealt with as well as the religious life of the parish, such as concerts, Whitsuntide arrangements, 
provision of Christmas tree, Easter sale, and social events. 

21 WYAS, RDP 69/29, Letter from Revd. John Wylde, 14 Feb. 1877. 

22 WYAS, RDP 69/10, Institution Papers; Report in the Yorkshire Post, 26 April 1877. 

23 WYAS, RDP 69/1 1, Note Books. 

24 WYAS, RDP 69/12, St. Saviour’s Day Book. The first entry is to record the Dedication Festival 
of 1877, and the last is in March 1892. 

25 St. Saviour’s Monthly Paper. A complete set is held by Leeds Central Library (Local History) , 
and also in the Thoresby Society Library, at the YAS, Claremont, Leeds. 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


these documents provide evidence of a remarkable ministry at St Saviour’s lasting 52 years. 
A TYPICAL RITUALIST PARISH 

Compared with the standard of churchmanship being explored elsewhere, Wylde was 
quite conservative, but in Leeds he was regarded as a ritualistic innovator. However the 
initial suspicion soon gave way to an acceptance of his views, primarily because he did not 
set out to stir up opinion but was content to pursue a dedicated parish ministry at the 
catholic end of the Anglican spectrum. The Day Book which he kept for the first fifteen 
years of his ministry at St Saviour’s confirms this. 

The Day Book is a brief daily record of persons visited and ecclesiastical functions per- 
formed. It is a personal record, but for us it is an indicator of the pattern of ministry followed 
by Wylde. One of the first entries shows that on his arrival in the parish there was some 
disquiet about the further development of ritualism. The entry for 6 November 1877 reads: 

At meeting of Church Wardens and Sidesmen on Tuesday evening, some little dissatisfaction 
was expressed as to what some feared were developments in a ‘ritualistic direction’. This led to 
a good deal of explanation and discussion. It was thought dangerous to light candles in the day 
time - and the explanation of the symbolism only drew forth the fact that considerable igno- 
rance prevailed as to the Eucharistic doctrine. Some little good seemed to be done by talking 
about it. 2b 

Subsequeudy the St Saviour s Monthly Paper con tained a series of articles explaining the 
meaning of ritual, vestments and clerical dress. 2 ' 

The pattern of worship established at St Saviour’s from 1878 was of a daily Eucharist, and 
two early celebrations on a Sunday at 7. 15 am and 8.00 am, with a sung Eucharist at 1 0.30 
am. The people were expected to communicate at the early celebrations, with only the 
celebrant communicating at the 10.30 am service. This remained the pattern of worship for 
all of Wylde’s ministry at St Saviour’s. 28 

At first Wylde engaged in careful and systematic visiting throughout the parish. From the 
Day Book we gather that he initially made an average of five visits per day. Some names 
occur day after day. In 1878 from 9 to 26January Wylde visited Mrs. Orchard almost daily 
until she died on 28 January. The entry for Wednesday 1 4 November 1 877 is typical: 

Vis. Clarke (Timb. Place), Kirk, Hockton (Bow St.), Millwood, Carter (20 Ellerby St) , Watson 
(17, H.MarketSt.) Davey (next door to Kirk) not at home - they go to no place of worship - well 
to do people. Have made enquiries about Bethel. 29 

Obviously Wylde could not keep up such a rate of visitation amidst all the other commit- 
ments of running a parish. The early enthusiasm for visitation that comes from being new to 

26 Day Book, 6 Nov. 1877. 

27 Monthly Paper, Jan. 1880, ‘The Biretta’; April 1880, ‘Eucharistic Vestments’; Sept. 1880, 

‘Lights at Communion’. A further series of ‘Church Ceremonial’ appeared in 1895, Feb. - 

Oct. on ‘Gestures,’ ‘Lights,’ ‘Vestments,’ and ‘Incense’. 

28 In the Day Book (pages not numbered) there is a record of the number of communions made: 
in 1878 there were 2,532 plus 405 celebrants, making a total of 2,938. In 1879 the total was 
3,054. From the beginning of 1878 there are numbers in the margin opposite each day’s entry. 
These denote the number of communions made. On an ordinary day there were between 1 
and 6 communions. 

29 Day Book, 14 Nov. 1877. 


COMMUNICATIONS 


341 


a pai ish gradually began to setde down to a routine of about five home visits per week. Later 
on the number of visits per day picked up again, as visits by the assistant clergy were 
included in the total. In the Vicar’s Shrovetide Letter to Parishioners for 1878 Wylde apolo- 
gised for not being able to visit every house in the parish, but said he would be glad to see 
them in church. For those not already attending an invitation was given to begin in Lent. He 
pointed out that there was a service at St Saviour’s every night of the year at 7.30 pm . 30 

Visitation and personal contact were obviously an important part of Wylde ’s ministry at St 
Saviour’s. In an address to candidates for ordinaUon he pointed out, ‘You can only be a 
helpful preacher if you are a good visitor.’ He commended a visitation of the whole parish to 
get to know people, and particularly the sick . 31 He built up this pattern of ministry and 
visitation from his earliest days at St Saviour’s. It was the key to his success and eventual 
popularity in Leeds because the people of the parish felt he ministered to them personally 
and cared for them. Wylde further warned against impatience with steady parish work, and 
of being sidelined to pursue social or political matters outside the parish. Such matters, he 
concluded, were best left in the hands of the laity. 

It would seem that preaching was also an important part of Wylde’s ministry at St Sav- 
iour’s. The archives hold nine volumes of his note books for sermons and addresses, includ- 
ing a commonplace book of useful quotations . 32 The sermons were largely meant to be 
vehicles for teaching the catholic faith. Volume II contains thirty sermons in a series enti- 
tled: ‘The Eucharist in the Parables’. The exegesis is stretched to breaking-point to achieve 
this result. Wylde commended the patient, painstaking enlargement of the mind that comes 
from regular meditation and study. For him preaching was the result of holiness and hard 
work . 33 In personal devotion Wylde spoke about the importance of private prayer, medita- 
tion and study. The daily office was to be said regularly, with intercession for the parish, and 
the daily celebration of the Eucharist . 34 

The St Saviour’s Monthly Paper, begun in October 1877, was part of Wylde’s strategy of 
communication with parishioners. It was meant ‘to supply a means of communication be- 
tween clergy and people.’ Regular contents usually included an instructive children’s story, 
churchwardens’ monthly statement, extracts from the paiish registers (baptisms, marriages 
and funerals) , school news, parochial calendar for the month, quotations from Anglo-Catho- 
lic writers, series of articles on churchly subjects, and an occasional pastoral letter from the 
vicar. Thrift was encouraged and tithing recommended . 3:1 There were extracts from Samuel 
Smiles on ‘Honesty’, and Dr. Pusey on ‘Spiritual Maxims ’. 36 The re was a series of articles on 
‘Our Church Windows’ 37 , and reports of Christmas and Easter services. The issue for Febru- 
ary 1888 gives a table showing the number of communions made during the previous ten 

30 Day Book, 1878. 

31 WYAS, RDP 69/1 1, Addresses to Candidates for Ordination at Ripon, 1922. 

32 WYAS, RDP 69/11, Note Books. There are volumes of sermons, notes for addresses, lectures 
and retreats. The commonplace book contains a series of quotations and references, with an 
index. Interestingly he does not include quotations from the writings of Newman or any of the 
other Anglican churchmen who seceded to Rome. 

33 Addresses to Candidates for Ordination. 

34 Addresses to Candidates for Ordination. 

35 Monthly Paper, March 1886. 

36 Monthly Paper, July 1886. 

37 Begun in Monthly Paper, Aug. 1877. 


342 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


years. The totals for each year from 1878 onwards show a steady increase from 2938 to 
5149, and an average for each Sunday increasing from 30.26 in 1878 to 62.2 in 1887. These 
are hardly the figures to constitute a revival, but the steady increase was no doubt the result 
of Wylde’s careful and caring pastoral ministry. 38 

He gradually moved things in an Anglo-Catholic direction, including the healing of con- 
fessions, the celebration of the Feast of Corpus Christi, and regular parish retreats. In Holy 
Week the service of Tenebrae on Maundy Thursday and the Reproaches of the Cross on 
Good Friday were not introduced until 1892. Wylde was too much of a Prayer Book man to 
copy Roman Catholic devotions. He also refrained from celebrating saint’s days and feasts 
not in the Prayer Book. His inherent theological conservatism held him back from some of 
the excesses witnessed in ritualistic parishes elsewhere in the country. It also kept both him 
and his church out of the national headlines. Wylde’s pattern of worship from 1877 to 1929 
kept to the rites and rituals of the Book of Common Prayer, interpreted in a catholic manner. 
He adopted the ‘six points’ of the English Church Union by which Anglo-Catholics could be 
recognised: Eucharistic vestments, the eastward position, altar lights, a mixed chalice, wafer 
bread, and incense. At the sung Eucharist the music was based on the Gregorian Chant. 
There were numerous guests and visiting preachers. 39 Under Wylde’s guidance Anglo-Ca- 
tholicism became respectable in Leeds, but more because of his reputation as a devoted 
parish priest than an acceptance of high church doctrines. He was made an Honorary 
Canon of Ripon Cathedral in May 1918. By that time the fire of controversy had died down, 
and the excitement of being part of a new, almost risque movement, belonged to the past, so 
thatj. H. Overton could comment, ‘It is perfectly marvellous to observe how things are now 
accepted which once provoked suspicion and even actual rebellion.’ 40 

CHRISTIAN SOCIAL ACTION 

The attitude of churchmen to political and social change during most of the nineteenth 
century was often negative. They drew back from the anticlericalism of many of the reform- 
ers and, despite the positive attitude of W. F. Hook, regarded Chartism with suspicion as 
courting revolution and being inspired by Methodism. 41 Those who did concern themselves 
with the social implications of the faith usually did so on the grounds of charity rather than 
jusdce. As the century unfolded concern for the needs of the urban poor began to express 
itself in the formation of clubs and improvement societies, and then in the provision of some 
basic social and sanitary amenities, but nothing that questioned the basic ordering of society. 

In the majority of ritualistic parishes in the slums it was assumed that their form of 
worship, with its symbolism, colour and movement, was attractive to the poor. But it is much 
more likely that ritualism was accepted by the people because of the devoted and saintly lives 
of many of the clergy. The development of clubs, guilds and improvement societies is some- 
thing we witness during the incumbency of John Wylde at St Saviour’s. From the St Saviours 
Monthly Paper for the years 1886 to 1887 we find reports on the St Saviour’s Branch of the 


38 Monthly Paper, Feb. 1888 

39 St Saviour's and St. Hilda’s: List of Preachers and Officials. 

40 J. H. Overton The Anglican Revival (London, 1897), pp. 199-200. 

41 For Hook’s relations with the Leeds Chartists, see H. W. Dalton, Anglican Resurgence, p. 136. 


COMMUNICATIONS 


343 


Yorkshire Penny Bank, 42 the formation of a Dramatic Club, 43 a Parochial Outing to 
Kingsdale, 44 a Cricket and Football Club, 43 and the English Church Union. 46 These and other 
societies could no longer be accommodated in the day schools. Up to this time St Saviour’s 
had no parish rooms or institute. The death of the founder, Dr. E. B. Pusey, in 1882, and the 
search for a suitable memorial to his memory in the parish, provided Wylde with the oppor- 
tunity to include provision for such accommodation in a building and renovation scheme. 
Pusey House had been opened in Oxford in 1884, 47 but as yet nothing had been done in 
Leeds. It was not until the Dedication Festival of 1887, when plans to redecorate the church 
were being discussed, that concrete proposals were considered. 48 On 21 February 1888 a 
meeting was held to launch the Church Restoration Fund. Wylde set out proposals to re- 
decorate and renovate the church, and also to erect a chapel on the south side of the chancel 
to the memory of Dr. Pusey, and dedicated to St Edward. 49 The architects were to be Messrs. 
Bodley and Garner. At the meeting the churchwardens proposed that the entire parish be 
canvassed and each household be invited to make regular contributions. 50 It was estimated 
that the proposed works to the church would cost £2,000, and the memorial chapel £1,000. 
The building of the chapel commenced in August 1889. Anew screen was erected and the 
old wooden screen, which restricted the view and hearing of the congregation, was reposi- 
tioned in the north-west porch. 51 The chapel was dedicated by Edward King, Bishop of 
Lincoln, on 27 October 1890. 

Following the renovations to the church building, the vicar had the idea of using a piece 
of land on the comer of Upper Accommodation Road and Ellerby Lane for the provision of 
much-needed parish rooms. Other facilities were to include public baths, wash-houses and 
day-nursery accommodation. Although many churches and chapels had an institute where 
men might play billiards and meet socially, the provision ofwash-honse facilities, baths, and 
in particular a day nursery where working women could leave their children while out at 
work, was well in advance of its time. It was a piece of active Christian social concern that 
went well beyond the usual paternalistic provisions of the day, and lifted the quality of life of 
people living in the Bank around St Saviour’s Church. The foundation stone of the new 
building was laid in August 1889. Itwas to be called ‘Bethlehem’. The Monthly Pape 7 quoted 
from the Leeds Mercury. 

On Saturday afternoon, August 10th, in connection with St Saviour’s Church, the founda- 
tion-stone of a new building was laid by Mrs. Ernest W. Beckett. The structure, which will be 
erected in an airy position on the West side of Upper Accommodation Road, can hardly 

42 Monthly Paper, March 1886 - Yearly Statement. 

43 Monthly Paper, Aug. 1886. 

44 Monthly Paper, June 1887. In August 1889 they went further afield to London. 

45 Monthly Paper, Aug. 1887. 

46 Monthly Paper, Nov. 1887. 

47 Monthly Paper, Nov. 1884 gives an extract of the address at the opening of Pusey House. 

48 Monthly Paper, Dec. 1887. Plans and estimates were submitted by the architect, G. F. Bodley. 

49 Monthly Paper, March 1888. 

3 ° The first subscription list was published in the Monthly Paper, Oct. 1 888. Thereafter monthly 
accounts of the Church Restoration Fund were published. 

51 Monthly Paper, Sept. 1890. A progress report on the renovations was presented. Mention was 
made that as a result of the works the choir would be able to take up its proper position in the 
chancel. The old wooden screen, which restricted view and sound, would be replaced by a new 
and lighter one designed by the architect, G. F. Bodley. 


344 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


fail to prove of great utility, and to many of the inhabitants of the district known as the Bank 
the advantages which it is likely to afford will, no doubt, be highly appreciated. Some time ago 
a movement was initiated for the erection of a Mission Room in the Parish, and it was resolved 
that the building should comprise an infant nursery, wash-houses, baths, an invalid-kitchen, etc. 
The Mission Room is intended for poor people who may not care to go to Church in their every- 
day clothes. The Day Nursery will be a great desideratum to many women, who may leave their 
young children, while they go out off to work, with the assurance that the little ones will be well 
cared for. The baths will be set apart for men and women on separate days, and these, as well 
as the wash-houses and invalid kitchen, will be valuable accessories in a district which hitherto 
has not been able to boast of such conveniences. 52 

‘Bethlehem’ was opened by the Duke of Newcastle, the chairman of die Church Restora- 
rion Fund, in August 1 890. The September edirion of the Monthly Paper contained a report 
of the proceedings, and an appreciaUon of the facilides provided, in the form of an exU act 
from the Yorkshire Post?* The final cost of the development was stated to be in the region of 
£2,500, of which £2,000 had been raised. The arricle concluded with a list of charges for the 
various facilities: 

The following will be the prices charged at Bethlehem: 

NURSERY- For each child 2/6 per week; 6d per day; Id per hour: payable in advance. No 
child will be taken without a recommendation signed by a respectable householder. 

BATHS - Open to Women only - Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, and part of Thursday. Open 
to Men only - Thursday, Friday, and Saturday evenings. Hot or cold 4d. Towels found. Twenty 
minutes only allowed. Children under 8, any evening after 7.0. Id. No towels. 

WASH HOUSE - Open every Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday, 2d per hour. 54 

So far as we know there is no contemporary record of how the new facilities at ‘Bethle- 
hem’ progressed, but it is clear that the project was not an unqualified success. In a series of 
articles in the Monthly Paper running from October 1924 to October 1925 on ‘The Story of 
St Saviour’s’, Wylde admitted that the nursery project at ‘Bethlehem’ never took off, and was 
abandoned after three years. The nursery was not cheap. Perhaps the cost crippled the 
project 

It was in fact the most complete creche in all England. . . . However the innate conservatism of 
the mothers was too strong for this effort on their behalf. . . . After three years of struggle the 
Nursery had to be abandoned. We had room for about thirty infants, and twenty would have 
made it self-supporting, but the highest number we ever reached was fifteen, and before we 
closed it had come down to three. 55 

In 1945 the Bishop of Ripon consulted the officers of the Leeds Church Extension 
Society about the state of the ancillary buildings belonging to the parish of St Saviour’s. 
Their report had this to say about ‘Bethlehem.’ 

A large building erected some 50 years ago in Accommodation Road (4 minutes from the 
church) to be a nursery for babies while their mothers were at work. A more unsuitable nursery 

52 Monthly Paper, Sept. 1889. 

53 Monthly Paper, Sept. 1890; Yorkshire Post 13 Aug. 1890. 

54 Monthly Paper, Sept. 1890. 

55 Monthly Paper, July 1925. 


COMMUNICATIONS 


345 


one can hardly imagine. The windows are few, and very high; there is not one lavatory in the 
whole building. No one went, and the building has been used as a parochial institute ever since. 56 

In spite of this criticism, ‘Bethlehem’ was a brave attempt to meet the social needs of this 
deprived area of east Leeds. 

The people of the church and parish were so grateful for the work done among them by 
John Wylde that in 1891, on the silver jubilee of his ordination, a special tea was held, and an 
address presented to him in appreciation of his fourteen years’ service at St Saviour’s. Also 
a cheque for fifty guineas was presented to him. Mention was made of his careful pastoral 
work (especially among the young, the elderly, and the sick) , of bright services and carefully 
thought-out sermons. Wylde was overcome by the occasion, and was unable to say much at 
the time. His reply was presented in the Monthly Paper.With typical modesty he suggested 
it was all part of the job, and expressed the hope that he might continue to minister among 
them for many more years to come. When Wylde wrote this he still had thirty seven more 
years of sendee in the parish. 

FACING OPPOSITION 

To-day it seems amazing that the introduction of a more elaborate ceremonial into the 
worship of the Church of England should have caused such controversy, but mid-nineteenth 
century Britain was still overtly anti-Catholic. Those who criticised ritualism felt it was a 
betrayal of the Reformation, and part of a secret plan to make the country Roman Catholic 
again. The re-introduction of the Roman Catholic hierarchy to England and Wales in 1850 
spawned a series of vitriolic articles in the press under the headline, ‘Papal Aggression’, with 
the suggestion that those who were exploring the Catholic end of the Anglican spectrum 
were already in league with Rome. Tractarian parishes like St Saviour’s reaped the back-lash 
of such criticism. At this stage Tractarian priests were isolated and vulnerable to criticism 
because they had no network of support groups. Over the years they developed a series of 
societies and newspapers to represent their views, to provide a link between Anglo-Catholic 
parishes, and to give support to clergy who were facing opposition. The Society of the Holy 
Cross was founded in 1855, and the English Church Union in 1859. John Wylde was a 
member of both of these societies. He was able to hold his own against opposition in a way 
that was not possible for his early predecessors at St Saviour’s, pardy because he did not go 
out of his way to attract publicity, and pardy because the focus of attendon and opposidon 
had shifted to more extreme ritualist parishes elsewhere. Nevertheless Wylde was the sub- 
ject of ultra-Protestant attacks in the local press, and under suspicion of contravening anti- 
ritualist legislation. 

On 30 January 1886 there appeared an anonymous article in the Leeds Saturday Journal 
criticizing St Saviour’s for its style of music, and suggesting that its founder must have been 

56 Correspondence in the archives of the Leeds Church Extension Society between the Bishop of 
Ripon and the Society (dated 5 November 1945) , and the report of the Society in response. 

The Archive is currently kept at St Peter’s House, Leeds Parish Church. 

57 Monthly Paper, July 1891. Wylde had been ordained deacon in 1866, and priest in 1868. 

On 29 Sept. 1850 the Pope issued the brief establishing thirteen sees in England and Wales, and 
the day after he made Wiseman a Cardinal. The national newspapers broke the news on 2 1 
and 22 Oct., and the Leeds Mercury followed with critical editorials on 16 and 23 Nov. 


346 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


a person of suspect character to have put forward so much money to build a church in order 
to ease his conscience. The author attacked the use of plain-song in church services as 
opposed to the ‘Anglican chant’. In the Monthly Paper Wylde defended the use of the 
Gregorian Chant at St Saviour’s: 

No other music than this has been used since the opening of the church. It suits the character 
and associations of the place, it was dear to our beloved Founder, and it is connected with the 

59 

tenderest memories and cherished teachings of all whose spiritual life was nourished here. 


Wylde further defended the character of the founder, and for the fu st time made public the 
fact that this was none odier than the great Dr. Pusey. With great tenderness he related the 
circumstances which brought Pusey to pay for the building of die church as a memorial to his 
late wife, and also to die memory of his beloved daughter, Lucy. The opposidon was crushed. 


There are other examples of and-Catholic polemical writings from Leeds in the late 
nineteenth century, among them E. Buder’s ‘Collecdon on Religion’. Buder was a lawyer 
and one-time chairman of the Leeds School Board. The collecdon is pardy in manuscript, 
and pardy cuttings from journals and newspapers of articles by Buder. Many of the extracts 
are typical examples of bigoted anti-Roman Catholic and anti-Aiiglo-Cadiolic polemic. Some 
were signed, ‘A Layman’. They include a pamphlet entitled, A Catechisyn for a Ritualistic 
Clergyman, in which the author parodied the beliefs of Anglo-Cadiolics. Wylde would have 
nothing to fear from such nonsense, but it helps to illustrate the background of hostility from 
certain quarters in Leeds against which he was working. 

More serious opposition came from the anti-ritualist legislation of 1874. Pressure from 
anti-ritualists in Parliament led to the setting up of the Royal Commission on Ritual in 1867, 
and then to the Public Worship Regulation Act. Disraeli described the Act as intended ‘to 
put down ritualism.’ It allowed any three aggrieved parishioners to bring charges against a 
clergyman, unless the proceedings were vetoed by the bishop of the diocese. The trouble 
was that the Act did not say what was allowed and what was not allowed. Furthermore the 
appeal was to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, a wholly lay body. In the first four 
years of the Public Worship Regulation Act, the Church Association initiated proceedings 
against seventeen ritualist clergy. Four cases, and later a fifth, resulted in imprisonment for 
contempt. Most clergy chose to ignore the provisions of the Act. As part of the civil disobe- 
dience campaign members of the Society of the Holy Cross were urged to passive resistance; 
to transfer their assets to wives, children, or trustees so as to be out of the realm of adverse 
judgements; to continue church practice as before; and as a last resort to be prepared to go 
to prison. Those who went to prison were regarded as martyrs. The Act proved unworkable 
and unenforceable, and the bishops allowed no more priests to be prosecuted under its 
terms. Thereafter the Church Association shifted the focus of its attack from individual 
clergy to parishes where ritualism was more extreme. Also the agitators began to disrupt 
services. During this time John Wylde at St Saviour’s continued to use vestments and in- 
cense, wafer bread, a mixed chalice, and the eastward position at the Eucharist. But there is 
no record of any prosecution being attempted in Leeds under the provisions of the Public 


59 Monthly Paper, March 1886. 

60 Monthly Paper, March 1886. 

61 E. Butler, ‘Collection on Religion’, Manuscript in Leeds Central Library (Local History, MSF 240 B97L) . 

62 See N. Yates, Oxford Movement, p.24. 


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Worship Regulation Act of 1 874. 

At the end of the nineteenth century there was a renewed disruption of Anglo-Catholic 
services. Frustrated in the law courts, Protestant fanatics turned to direct action. The Prot- 
estant Truth Society, founded byjohn Kensit in 1889, organised public protests against 
ritualism. These were mostly in London, although the Kensitites did visit St Saviour’s in 

63 

1899 only to be seen off by a group of local miners who turned out to defend ‘their vicar.’ 
Walter Walsh’s Secret History of the Oxford Movement, published in 1897, stirred up hos- 
tile public opinion by accusing Anglo-Catholics of covert papistry. The attacks, which 
began with a few fanatics under Kensit, resulted in the matter being raised in Parliament, 
and the setting up of the Royal Commission on Ecclesiastical Discipline. In spite of 1 18 
meetings and 1 524 pages of evidence, the report of 1 906 had no discernable effect on Anglo- 
Catholic practice. Most clergy did not recognise the jurisdiction of the Judicial Committee, 
so its conclusions were unworkable from the start. Nevertheless the Church Association 

65 

produced a ‘ black-list’ of ritualistic parishes, including St Saviour’s, and gathered evidence 
against them to present to the Royal Commission. One of the members of the Association, 
Mr. H. C. Hogan, visited the church on 17 April 1904 for the 10.30 am service. He reported 
that there were six lighted candles on the altar, and two before it. The celebrant wore 
vestments, the chalice was mixed, and the Lavabo performed. It was claimed that at the 
consecration the manual acts were hidden, after which the chalice and paten were elevated. 

There were no communicants other than the celebrant. However, the sacrament was not 

66 

reserved. The Commission’s report showed St Saviour’s to be a typical Anglo-Catholic 
church of the period. Along with other incumbents of the same persuasion, John Wylde 
sought tolerance and forbearance for his particular style of churchmanship. The shocking 
accusations of covert Romanism that had dogged the early years of St Saviour’s were now 
largely a thing of the past. Under his leadership Anglo-Catholicism in Leeds had become 
increasingly conventional, and almost respectable. 

THE IMPACT OF WYLDE’S MINISTRY AT ST SAVIOUR’S 

The St Saviour’s Day Book runs out at the end of March 1892. The last entry reads: 

vis. Morley, Smith (Butterf. St) , Stringer, Gelder, Webster, Lowther, Chadwick, Hudson, Anderson, 
Smith. 

There are several unused pages left in the book. Given the systematic nature of the entries 
over the space of fifteen years it would seem likely that the Day Book 1877-1892was re- 
placed by a new one which has not survived. Copies of the publicity leaflets for Holy Week 
and Easter have been inserted into the pages of the Day Book. From them we gather that the 


b5 See S. Savage and C. Tyne The Labours of Years: The Story of St. Saviour's and St. Hilda's, 
Leeds (London, 1976), p.48. 

b4 W. Walsh The Secret History of the Oxford Movement (London, 1897). The book went through 
several editions between 1897 and 1899. 

65 The Ritualistic Clergy List (London. 1903). 

bb Report of the Royal Commission on Ecclesiastical Discipline (London, 1906), Minutes of 
Evidence: 319-28, pp. 29-31, including Wylde ’s reply in letters of2 July 1904 and 13April 1905. 
But see N. Yates, Oxford Movement, p.26 for some evidence for reservation of the sacrament 
before this date. 


348 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


services for the Eastertide season of 1892 followed the same pattern as that used every year 
since 1880. This included the service of Tenebrae on Maundy Thursday, and the Three 
Hours Devotion on Good Lriday, and concluded with a veiled invitation to confession on 
the various days of Holy Week. Stability, regularity and devotion to the day-by-day and week- 
by-week tasks of a parish priest were die hall-marks of John Wylde ’s ministry at St Saviour’s. 
By 1892 he had done his best work in the parish. He had initiated renovadon and building 
extension schemes at die church, including die erection of die Pusey Memorial Chapel. The 
Pal ish Institute at ‘Bethlehem’, with its baths, wash-house, and nursery facilities, had been 
opened. In terms of worship and pastoral care, St Saviour’s had become a typical Anglo- 
Catholic parish. Wylde was in his prime, and was well respected in Leeds for his work. 
However, he continued in the parish for a further thirty-six years after the last entry in the 
Day Book. By 1900 most of his constructive and innovative work had been undertaken, so 
that it was a case of holding the fort for the remainder of his time at St Saviour’s. As the new 
century unfolded there was an increasing sense of weariness and lack of new direction in his 
ministry. He had been there too long and would have benefited from the invigorating effect 
of new challenges in a different parish, but he held on because he had been appointed 
personally by Dr. Pusey. 

What are we to make of this remarkable ministry at St Saviour’s, lasting nearly fifty-three 
years from 1877 to 1929? John Wylde saw the Anglo-Catholic presence of St Saviour’s in 
Leeds move from uncertainty and hostility to stability, and then to acceptance and respect- 
ability. It was the foundation he laid during the first fifteen years of his incumbency, charted 
in the entries in the St Saviour’s Day Book, with its pattern of careful pastoral care, regular 
services largely within the tradition of the Book of Common Prayer, and his refusal to be 
drawn into unnecessary controversy and unhelpful publicity, that cemented this acceptance. 
When he was made an honorary Canon of Ripon Cathedral in 1918, he had become a part of 
the Anglican establishment rather than one of its rebels. 


67 WYAS, RDP 69/10, Collation to 6th Honorary Canonry founded in Cathedral Church of 
Ripon, 4 May 1918. 


DOCUMENTS 


349 


RICHARD LODGE (1612-1656), MERCHANT OF LEEDS 

- HIS DISPUTED WILL 

By Derek K. Mason 

Whilst it is generally accepted that the cloth merchants of Leeds were wealthy men who 
were admired and respected, and who had importance and standing in society ( several 
becoming Mayors or Aldermen), there is no detail available of just how wealthy most of these 
businessmen were. Little is known about their living standards or the magnitude of their 
business dealings. Nor is there any detail as to how they raised the necessary finance to carry 
on their trade, who their trading contacts zuere, and where the cloth came from. The discov- 
ery of a court case concerning a dispute over the will of Richard Lodge, details of which are 
given in the following article, provides much hitherto unknozvn information as well as an 
insight into the wealth and background of one of Leeds' prominent and wealthy cloth mer- 
chants, zvho was also a staunch Royalist supporter during the Civil War. 


Richard Lodge was baptised at Leeds Parish Church on 22 January 1611/12. He was the 
eighth child of William Lodge, a prominent woollen merchant of Briggate, Leeds. Like his 
father, Richard Lodge became a wealthy and prominent cloth merchant. On 1 September 
1641 Lodge married Sarah Moxon at Leeds Parish Church. He was twenty-nine years old 
and she nearly sixteen, having been baptised on 18 June 1626. 1 Sarah’s father, William 
Moxon, another wealthy merchant of Briggate, had died six months before the marriage. He 
had made a will four days before his death in which his house and buildings in Briggate were 
to be given to his son, also called William and who, at that time, was an infant of seven years 
of age. In the event that his son did not reach the age of twenty-one then Sarah Moxon was 
to inherit the property. After making provision for his wife to inherit one third of his estate 
and making several monetary gifts totalling over £120, the remainder of William’s estate was 
to be divided equally between his son and Sarah. Richard Lodge’s brother, William, was a 
witness to William Moxon’s will. It is highly probable that, prior to his marriage, Richard 
Lodge knew of Sarah’s potential inheritance. Sarah’s mother died six months after the 
marriage and if her state of health had been poor for a number of months, Richard Lodge 
would probably have been aware of the additional financial benefit that might come to his 
new bride. 

At the time of their marriage in 1641 there was unrest in the country with Civil War about 
to break out. On 23January 1643, just days before Richard and Sarah buried their first-born 
son, Sir Thomas Fairfax took Leeds for the Parliamentarians. 2 Then on 8 April the Royalists 
commenced their siege of the town. Three months later, Fairfax abandoned Leeds and it was 
subsequently held by the Royalists until April 1 644 when Fairfax, with 4,000 foot soldiers 
and 2,000 horse, re-took the town. 


1 Leeds Parish Church Registers 1612-1639, ed. G.D.Lumb, Thoresby Society, 3, (Leeds, 1895) p.133. 

2 Keith Snowden, The Civil Warm Yorkshire (Pickering, 1993), pp.12, 13. 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


A year later, in 1645, Richard Lodge was compounded, that is, fined, for his Royalist 
support. 3 He was required to take the Negative Oath - the oath of allegiance to Parliament 
- and the National Covenant. At that time his real estate and his personal estate were 
declared to be: 

a house in Leeds worth £6 

two houses in Kirkgate, Leeds worth £10 

a house and three closes of land in Buslingthorpe worth £10 

two closes called Marsh closes plus another close of land worth £9 (at Sheepscar) 

personal goods in his house plus 84 pieces of cloth were worth £208 5s. Od. 

other goods, chattels and debts owed to him were appraised at £200 

There is no mention of exactly where the house in Leeds was situated but it is likely that 
this was the former Moxon house, as only a relatively short period of time had passed since 
the decease of Sarah’s parents. Lodge’s sister, Bridget, had married another wealthy mer- 
chant, Henry Watkinson of Ilkley, and they had had a house in Kirkgate. She died in 1634 
and he in 1638. Their two sons came under the combined guardianship of Richard Lodge 
andjoseph Watkinson, and it is thought that Lodge inherited the Watkinson house. Joseph 
Watkinson was later to become embroiled in the disputed will of Richard Lodge. The prop- 
erty in Buslingthorpe and the two Marsh closes had been in the possession of a Bernard 
Lodge in 1607 and it seems likely that this property also passed down through the Lodge 
family to Richard Lodge. 

Some time after the assessment of his wealth was made, Lodge was fined twice the value of 
his property and 10 per cent of the value of his personal estate, making a total fine of £1 10 
rounded down to £100 for ‘his delinquency of deserting his dwelling and for living some- 
time in the King’s quarters’. These quarters were within Red Hall, Leeds, built by Alderman 
Thomas Metcalf in 1628. In the Civil War period King Charles I had been confined at Red 
Hall, still noted for ‘the kings chamber’. 4 Despite his fine, Lodge was still able at some time 
during the Civil War to afford to build Red Hall, Winmoor, Shadwell - ‘a substantial mansion 
of red brick embellished with stone which, no doubt, receives its name from the colour of its 
walls.’ The building stands ‘to the north of the highroad leading from Leeds to Wetherby, a 
short distance outside the boundary of Roundhay. The house itself is in the parish of Shadwell 
and is held as copyhold of the manor of Roundhay; while the park and garden in front of it 
are within the parish of Barwick and are copyhold of that manor’. 5 6 It was the first house in 
Leeds to be built of red brick in what was a predominandy stone area. b 


3 Yorkshire Royalist Composition Papers, vol 1, ed. J.W.Clay, Yorkshire Archaeology Society 
Record Series, 15 (1893) pp.203, 204. 

4 An Old Leeds Cropper, Old Leeds: Its Bygones and Celebrities (Leeds, 1868) pp.81, 129. Red 
Hall was at one time incorporated into the Schofields store which used to stand near the comer 
of The Headrow and King Charles Street. 

5 J.W.Morkill, The Manor and Park of Roundhay' in Thoresby Society Miscellanea, vol. 1, 
Thoresby Society 2, ( 1 89 1 ) p. 247 where there is also an illustration of Red Hall. 

6 A Grade 1 listed building, it still stands today and is the headquarters of the Rugby League. 


DOCUMENTS 


351 


In 1649, just over three months after the execution of the King, Richard Lodge took out a 
Bill of Complaint in the Court of Chancery against a William Colthirst. The Complaint 
concerned a dispute over payment of a sum of money during the Civil War and the Bill was 
in response to an Action of account taken out by Colthirst in the Court of Common Pleas. 
The Bill states that in August 1 643 the Earl of Newcastle (King Charles’s commander in the 
North) and his army came into Leeds and their treasurer, Sir William Carnaby, was billeted 
at Richard Lodge’s house for three months. Lodge was described by Colthirst as ‘one that 
had favoured with the said enemies of the Parliament and entrusted by them in much 
business and affaires’. Apart from his business dealings, Lodge was deputy treasurer to the 
Earl of Newcastle and had also lent the army £500. 7 Colthirst had been a Parliamentarian 
imprisoned in Pontefract Casde and at Leeds by the Earl of Newcastle, and claimed that he 
had given Lodge £50 for him to hold until he, Colthirst, required it back. Lodge said that, at 
the direction of Carnaby, Colthirst had come to him to pay £50 because Carnaby was absent 
and, when Carnaby returned, Lodge paid the £50 to Carnaby. A transcription of the Bill of 
Complaint is set out at Appendix 1 . In tracking the progress of the case through the Decrees 
and Orders of the Chancery Court it is clear that both parties applied legal procedural 
delaying tactics. The indexes have been searched to Michaelmas 1654 but it seems that the 
case was discontinued as no finaljudgment has been traced. 

It is probable that Colthirst was disaffected by his imprisonment and was effectively trying 
to obtain some compensation by capitalising on the political situation and taking advantage 
of a wealthy man who was also a Royalist sympathiser. With the country’s mood in favour of 
Parliament, possibly Colthirst thought it would be easy to submit a Bill and quickly get a 
judgment in his favour. Lodge was an obvious candidate to be squeezed for some money. 
Possibly Colthirst reckoned that £50 was not a lot of money to Lodge, that he could afford 
to lose it and that he would not put up much of a fight against it. But clearly Lodge was 
determined to hold on to his money by whatever means he could. 

Lodge died at Leeds in November 1656 and is buried close to the font in the nave of Leeds 
Parish Church. 8 One week prior to his death he made a will and a full transcription is given 
in Appendix 2. The will reveals that, since his compounding assessment in 1645, he had 
invested some of his wealth in acquiring property and in developing some of it. 

The house in Briggate, believed to have been the Moxon house, was still owned and was let 
to a tenant. The property at Buslingthorpe now comprised two houses, buildings and bams 
as well as land. Lodge may well have spent money converting an existing building to form the 
second house and then built new barns. He still owned the two Marsh closes at Sheepscar 
and a third close nearby at Woodhouse, which were all let and producing a rental income. He 
had bought land at Winmoor and developed it with Red Hall, and had acquired two Ings of 
land in the adjacent parish of Shadwell. He had a further house in Call Lane, Leeds ‘where I 
now live’. It is likely that this house in the centre of Leeds was used for Lodge’s day to day 
living and ease of conducting business and Red Hall was his country mansion used for 


7 Shadwell Women's Institute Local History Group, Shadwell and its People (Shadwell, Leeds, 
1978), p.76. 

8 James Rusby, History of the Parish Church of St Peter at Leeds, ed. Rev. J. G. Simpson (Leeds, 
1896), pp. 135-7. 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


pleasure and business entertaining. There was also another house in Call Lane which was 
leasehold and let to a tenant. Lodge had five more closes of land partly in Woodhouse and 
partly in Hunslet and all were let to produce a rental income. Lodge no longer had houses in 
Kirkgate. 

At the time of his death Richard Lodge had five children who were all under twelve years 
of age. Supervision of their tuition was primarily left to the Watkinson family. Lodge’s 
nephew, Christopher Watkinson (who, in 1668, became a mayor of Leeds) and his cousin, 
Joseph Watkinson, were two of the executors of his will. 

Two years after his death, Richard’s widow, Sarah, was remarried to John Whelpdale of 
Criskell, near Penrith. According to the Leeds Parish Church register the marriage took 
place at Whitkirk, Leeds, on 25 November 1658. This marriage lasted only six years asjohn 
Whelpdale died in 1664. John and Sarah Whelpdale were unhappy with the way that the 
Watkinsons were dealing with sorting out Richard Lodge’s estate. They felt that the execu- 
tors had not properly accounted for all the monies, plate, jewels, wool, leases, cloth, shares 
and property and that Lodge’s estate was worth £8,000, not the £5,092 calculated by the 
executors. These were enormous sums of money in those days and were vastly different 
from the value of Lodge’s personal goods and debts owed which were assessed eleven years 
prior to his death. Lodge had probably been a very shrewd businessman over the years but 
it is also probable that he had not declared all his personal wealth when he had been com- 
pounded. 

In 1663 the Whelpdales filed a Bill of Complaint against the Watkinsons in the Court of 
Chancery. They claimed that the executors had omitted items from Lodge’s estate and had 
undervalued other items. It was also claimed that Sarah Whelpdale did not get her full share 
of one third of the value of the estate as was her entitlement under the terms of the will. The 
Whelpdales thought that the executors had not done a thorough assessment of the estate and 
that they had not produced detailed accounts, nor had they given itemised schedules sworn 
under oath. They thought that they were being short changed to the executors’ own advan- 
tage and benefit. The executors responded that Lodge had had a number of large debts 
which needed to be setded, some of the debts were still outstanding, and some of the cloth 
being traded by Lodge was not owned by him; and they provided detailed schedules of 
accounts supporting their con tendon that the estate was worth £5,092. 

A year later, Christopher Watkinson felt it necessary to submit his own Bill of Complaint 
against the Whelpdales. He claimed that Lodge had owed more dian £6,000. He stated that 
he had tried to get hold of Lodge’s personal estate to help pay off the debts but that the 
Whelpdales had secredy held on to goods, money, jewels, gold and silver to the value of more 
than £2,000. He also claimed thatjoseph Watkinson was assisting them in preventing the 
personal estate from being handed over. It is possible that Sarah Whelpdale would have 
known how her first husband had got away with not declaring all his personal estate in 1645 
and she may have decided to act similarly concerning his personal estate following his death. 
The indexes of the Decrees and Orders of the Chancery Court have been searched to 1676 
to see if the Bills came to Court but no decrees, orders or judgements have been found. John 
Whelpdale died shortly after Christopher Watkinson had submitted his Bill of Complaint 
and this may have been the reason for the cases being discontinued. 


DOCUMENTS 


353 


The original Bills of Complaint documents are held at The National Archives in Kew, 
London. Transcriptions are given in Appendix 3. Not only do the Bills of Complaint oudine 
the nature of what had and what had not been accounted for, the Bill of Complaint raised by 
the Whelpdales details the defence of the Watkinsons. This included seven very detailed 
itemised schedules of income and expenditure relating to Richard Lodge, including ex- 
penses incurred in proving the will, a breakdown of the debts owing and monies received, 
amounts outstanding to be paid, details of household items as well as catde, sheep and horses 
sold and cash received, profits from shipping and monies paid for a number of repairs to his 
house. 

From the schedules it appears that Richard Lodge was financing his business ventures by 
borrowing from the gentry as well as from his wider family. He was indebted to the Earl of 
Northumberland in the sum of £1 ,700 but also had also borrowed over £1 ,900 from his 
relatives, namely William Lodge, William Moxon, William Watkinson and Elizabeth 
Aldbrough. Lodge had a wide range of impor tan t contacts involving prominent or high 
ranking people, among the nobility as well as the military, and possibly he was a supplier of 
cloth to the army. He had dealings with at least five leading Hull businessmen, one of whom 
was a relative, as well as with at least two London businessmen. He was trading in cloth from 
Amsterdam and Rotterdam which was coming to Leeds via his agents in Hull. He had 
dealings with businessmen in other ‘cloth’ towns too such as York, Wakefield, Halifax and 
Bradford. Large profits were to be made. One schedule details the profits from shipping as 
being £313. This was a considerable sum when compared to the commodity values given in 
another schedule of, for example, fifty three sheep having a total value of £7. The inventory 
of Lodge’s household goods and chattels shows his purse and apparel as amounting to £30. 
This seems a relatively small amount for a man of his stature and it is probable that some cash 
was not revealed to the executors. Furthermore, the inventory of Lodge’s household goods 
and chattels surprisingly consists mainly of the value of animals and of some cloth. Lodge 
had several houses but all the trappings of a wealthy man such as fine furniture, tapestries, 
pottery andjewellery are not listed in the inventory and this lends credibility to Watkinson’s 
claim that these were secreted away. Nevertheless the schedules give a snapshot as to the 
financial standing, business connections, and magnitude of monies involved in the dealings 
of a wealthy Leeds cloth merchant. 


Appendix 1 

Richard Lodge v William Colthirst re money. 9 

4 th May 1649 To the Right Honourable the Comissioners Keepers of the Great Seale of 
England 

Complayninge sheweth unto your Honores your dayly Orator Richard Lodge of Leeds in 
the County ofYorke Merchant That in or about the Month of August in the yeare of our lord 
God one thousand six hundred fortie three the Earle of Newcastle 10 Came in to the said 

9 The National Archives, Kew [TNA], C 10/2/89. All the documents in the Appendices have been 
transcribed by the author. 

10 During the Civil War the Earl of Newcastle was King Charles's commander in the North. 


354 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


Towne of Leeds and to places thereunto adioyninge with his Armyes That your Orator then 
beinge an inhabitant and livinge in the said Towne of Leeds att the tyme when the said Amy 
came Sir William Carnaby Treasurer for the said A my under the said Earle of Newcastles 
Comannd was Billited and quartered with and att the house of your Orator where the said 
Sir William did Constantly keepe his quarters for the space of three Monthes or thereabouts 
Aid your Orator further showes that duringe the aboade of the said Sir William Carnaby att 
your Orators house and Robert Colthurst by the appointment of the said Sir William did 
come to your Orator and did acquaint him that he was to pay unto him some moneyes by the 
direcon and appointment of the said Sir William Carnaby and for the use of the said Sir 
William beinge Treasurer as aforesaid who not longe after brought unto your Orator the 
sume of fiftie pounds to be payed unto your Orator by the direccon and appointment of the 
said Sir William as aforesaid your Orator neither knowing for what use the said moneyes 
were to be payed nor the occasion neither was he formerly acquainted by the said Sir 
William concerninge the Receivinge of any such moneyes whereupon att the importunity of 
the said William Colthurst brother to the said Robert whoe came with the said moneyes as 
aforesaid att last your Orator did receive the said sume of fiftie pounds for the use of the said 
Sir William Carnaby the said Sir William beinge att the same tyme absent from his quarters 
Aid your Orator further showes that afterwards att the returne of the said Sir William to 
your Orators house where he was quartered as aforesaid your Orator did pay the said 
moneyes soe by him received unto the said Sir William or to such others as he appointed 
your Orator makinge noe advantage or benefitt by the said moneyes soe received nor had 
any further medlinge with the same otherwise then by the payment thereof over as aforesaid 
But now soe it is may it please your Honors that howbeit the said Robert and William 
Colthurst well know all the aforesaid p [ro] misses to be true and that your Orator had noth- 
ing to doe with the said moneyes further then receivinge the same for the uses aforesaid and 
that the said Robert and William doe now Confederate and Combine together how to charge 
your Orator with the aforesaid moneyes and for that purpose have brought an Accon of 
Accompt [Action of account] against your Orator in the Court of Comon Pleas att Westmin- 
ster charginge him therein for the said sume of fiftie pounds as Receiver to the said Robt 
Colthurst and did bringe the said Accon to tryall att the last Asizes houlden for the said 
County of Yorke whereas in truth your Orator was never Receiver of any moneyes to be 
Accomptable to the said Robert Colthurst nor was willinge to have received the said moneyes 
but att the great solicitacon and importunity both of the said Robert and William Colthurst 
the said Robert Colthurst beinge then in some straites as he p [re] tended to your Orator and 
if the said moneyes should not have beene received to and for the uses aforesaid further 
troubles and inconvenience might have hapned to the said Robert Colthurst whereupon to 
pleasure the said Robert and to free him from distaste and trouble in which he then stood 
and for noe benefit or advantage to himself he was contented to receive the said moneyes for 
the uses aforesaid A1 which the said Robert Colthurst not weighinge by practise with the 
said William whom he intendes to make wittnesse for provinge the Receipt of the said 
moneyes now labors and endevoures to Recover the said moneyes by the aforesaid suite 
against your Orator A1 which the doeinges of the said Robert and William Colthurst against 
all right equity and good Conscience and tendes to your Orators great losse and damage in 
the Consideracon whereof and for that your Orator hath noe remedy by the strict rules of 
the Comons lawes of this Realme in the p [ro] misses and hath nothinge to Plead in Barr of the 


DOCUMENTS 


355 


said Accon of Accompt brought against your Orator as aforesaid, your Orator havinge in 
truth received the said moneyes from the hands of the said William Col thurst Well hopinge 
that the said Robert and William Colthurst beinge called into this Honorable Court will 
upon there Corporall oaths Confesse the truth of all and singular the said p [ro] misses now to 
the intent that the said William Colthurst may more p[ar] ticularly Answer and sett forth 
where he payed the said sume of fifte pounds and for whose use and what note of Receipt in 
writinge they or either of them received att and upon the payment of the said moneyes and 
whether the said note of receipt did not mencon or expresse to whatt end or purpose the 
said moneyes were payed as aforesaid and for whose use and whether your orator was 
p[er] swaded to receive the same meerely att the solicitacon and importunity of the said 
William and Robert or either of them or whether your said Orator knew of any of the said 
moneyes soe to be payed before the Comeinge of the said Robert unto your Orator and 
acquain tinge him therewith or had any benefit or profitt of the said moneyes otherwise then 
to pay the same over to and for the use of the said Sir William Carnaby as aforesaid Now to 
the intent that your Orator may be relieved in all and singular the said p [ro] misses and that 
the said Robert and Willliam may be Ordered and enjoined to stand to such further Order so 
direct herein as shall seeme to your Honors most agreeable with equity and good Con- 
science May it therefore please your Honors to release your Orator herein in equitie and to 
grant your Orator A writt of subpena to be directed to the said Robert Colthurst and 
William Colthurst Commandinge them and either of them hereby att A certain e day and 
under A certaine paine therein to be limitted p [er] sonally to be and appeare before your 
Honors in the high and Honorable Court of Chancery then and there to Answere the 
p [ro] misses and further to stand to and abide such further Order and therein as shall seeme 
to stand with equity and good Conscience and your Orator shall dayly pray Sir 


The Joynt and several Answeres of Robt Colthurst 8c Willme Colthurst Gentln defendts to 
the bill of Complaynt of Richard Lodge Complaynant 

The said Defendants saveing to themselves now and at all times hereafter all manner of 
Benifitt 8c Advantage of exception to the Incertain tyes 8c insufficiency of the said Bill of 
Complaint for Answere thereunto they severally say And first the said Robt Colthurst for 
himselfe severally sayth That true it is in the yeare one thousand six hundred forty 8c three 
the time in the Bill menconed the Earle of Newcastle commanded a very great Army in the 
County ofYorke where doth the Complainant 8c these defendants doe dwell And did by his 
officers 8c Emissaryes 8c such as hee imployed under him much oppresse the well affected 
people to the Parliament 8c Comonwealth of England by imprisoning theise p[er]sons 8c 
disposing of theire Estates And this defendant further sayth that for his good affection to the 
Parliaments cause in the said late warr hee this defendant was inforced from his dwelling by 
the officers of the said Earle 8c imprisoned both in Pontefract Castle 8c at Leeds where he lay 
for many monthes together And it might be that Sir Willim Carnybye in the Bill named was 
then or about that time interteyned at the Complainants in his house or quartered there as 
by the Bill is p [re] tended but he knoweth not that the said Sir Willim Carnabie was treasurer 
for the said Earle of Newcastle howbeit this defendant well knoweing that the Complainant 
was one of that p [ar] ty 8c one that had favoured with the said Enimies of the Parliament 8c 
intrusted by them in much businesse 8c affaires And he this defendant being in some distresse 


356 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


and fearinge to be plundred yett being furnished with the some of fifty pounds he this 
defendant knowing the Complainant to be of Abilitie in Estate did Comitt the same to the 
Complainants custodie intending that the same should be by the Complainant or his assignes 
repayd to this defendant when time should serve to demand the same or an accompt to be 
had diereof But diis defendant denieth that he either payd the same to or for the use of the 
Earle of Newcastle or the said Sir William Carnabye or either of them for he was Indebted to 
neither of them nor did he owe any money to the Complainant nor was the said some paid 
for the use of the Ar my under the said Earles Comand but deposited or paid into the 
Complainants hands to be accompted for as aforesaid and the said Complainant received it 
of this defendant by die hands of himselfe 8c of diese other defendant Willim Colthirst who 
Counted die said money to him die Complainant 8c the same was paid to him upon noe other 
tenues dien as aforesaid And albeit die Complainant might 8c doth p [re] tend to imploy the 
said money for the Advance of die wicked designes of the said Earle against the Parliament 
yet diis defendant verily believeth he either hath the said money or hath imployed it for his 
owne use and dierefore ought in Conscience to render an accompt of it. Aid to that end true 
it is diis defendant hath comenced 8c p [ro] secuted suite against the sayd Complainant in an 
accon of accompt as his bailife or Receiver of die said money as was lawfull as he conceiveth 
for him to doe to which he pleades in Barr that he never was receiver or Baliffe to this 
defendant to render accompt of the same 8c upon that issue the said accon was brought to a 
tryall at the last assizes holden for the County of Yorke where this defendant upon full 
Evidence 8c hearing of Councell on both sides had A verdict that the Complainant ought to 
accompt for the said whole fifty pounds whereupon this defendant hath judgement as he 
believes that he shall accompt accordingly 8c that suite is sull depending in the Court of 
Comon pleas at Westminster where the Complainant may shew what he cann in discharge of 
the same accompt But being unwilling to come to accompt 8c intending as this defendant 
beleiveth to vex and trouble this defendant with delayes hath Comenced this unnecessary 
suite indeavoureing by all meanes to defraud him of his said money Aid this defendant 
further sayth that true it is upon the payment of the said money the said Complainant gave 
to this defendant an acquittance or receipt to diis effect viz that such a day he received frfty 
pounds of this defendant Robert Colthirst Aid delivered it to this defendant signed with his 
hand but the same being since casually left he cannot p [ro] duce die same But he this defend- 
ant verywell remembreth that the same did not make any mencon that the sayd money was 
paid for the use of any other p[er] son as by the Bill is p [re] tended Aid the said other 
defendant Willm Colthirst for himselfe sayth that he beleiveth what the said other defendant 
hath before in his Aiswere sett forth is true Aid further sayth that he knowedi not anything 
of the matters 8c things in the Bill menconed saveing that about the time in die Bill menconed 
he by the appoyntment 8c direction of die said other defendant Robt, did tell over the said 
fiftye pounds to die hands of the said Complainant at his die Complainants owne house in 
Leeds but upon what termes Condicons or other Agreements betweene them the same was 
payd 8c received this defendant cannot declare saveing he is well assured that it was not for 
or in respect of any debt oweing to the said Complainant or any other p [er] son This Com- 
plainant gave to the other defendant an acquittance but what was contained therein he 
knoweth not And these defendants doe denye that to theire severall 8c Respective knowledges 
the said money was payd to the Complainant for the use of the said Sir Willm Carnabie or 
any other p [er] son or that these defendants ever acknowledged upon the payment of the 


DOCUMENTS 


357 


sayd money or at any time before or after that the same was to be payd over to the said Sir 
Willm Carnabie or anyway due or payable unto him as by the Bill of Complaint is untruely 
suggested Or that the sayd some was payd over by the Complainant to the said Sir William 
Camabye or to any other by his appointment as by the Bill of Complaint is surmised without 
that that these defendants or either of them did importune or p [er] swade the Complainant to 
receive the said money as by the Bill is p[re] tended Or that the said defendants doe Confed- 
erate or Combine together in any sort unnistly to charge the Complainant with the said 
money to wrong these Complaints as by the Bill is alledged And without that that any other 
matter or thing in the said Bill of Complaint Menconed 8c herein not sufficiendy An we red 
Confessed 8c avoyded traversed or denyed is true all which matters 8c things these defend- 
ants are severally 8c respectively ready to averr 8c p[ro]ve as this honourable Court shall 
award and humbly praye to be dismissed with theire Costs 8c damages in this behalfe wrong- 
fully susteyned 

Ro Barwicke 


Robt Coulthurst 


Willm Coulthurst 

Cap[ia]t[um] apud Conisborough in Com Ebor secundo Die Junii Anno D[omi]ni 1649 
coram nobis 


[Taken 8c sworn in Conisborough in the County of York second ofjune 1649 before us] 
Rich Wynne Geo Lane 


Richard Lodge v Colthirst- Chancery Court Decrees 8c Orders. 11 

Page no. 583 Passover 1649 Monday 7 May 

Richard Lodge 8c Robt Colthurst 8c Willm Colthirst defendant] 

Lor as much as this court was this pute day informed by Mr Shaftoe being of the plaintiffs 
co [unsel] that the plaintiff having exited his Bill into this court to be relieved for the matters 
therein conteyned 8c the defendants being sued with pieces to answer refuse soe to doe but 
sitt an Attorney] in contempt of this court 8c in the meane time proceed at lawe for the 
matter here complained of It is therefore ordered that an Inuncion be awarded against the 
said defendants their Councellors Attorneys 8c Sull [icito] rs for stay of their proceedings at 
Lawe for the matters in question until the said defendants shall directly answer the plaintiffs 
bill [&] cleere their contempts 8c this court take other order to the contrary 


Page no. 641 Passover 1649 22 May 

L Richard Lodge 8c Willme Colthirst 8c Ro Colthirst def [endant] 

Tho Cawood made oath for 8c bring a s [ub] p [oen] a on the defendants who have not appe [are] d 


11 TNA, C33/192 and C33/194. 


358 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


Page no. 822 Trinity 1649 16June 
L Richard Lodge 8c Robte Colthirst et al Defendant] 

Upon opening of the matter this pute day unto this court by Mr Turner being of the defend- 
ants Co[unsel] 8c upon producing of an order of the vii th May last for as much as the 
defendants have now put in a full 8c perfect answer to the plaintiffs bill whereunto noe 
exception is taken as by certificate] from the defendants Att[orney] appe[are]th It is 
therefore ordered that the Inunicion granted by the said former order be dissolved unless 
the plaintiff upon notice to his Cl [erk] in this court shall show good cause to the contrary at 
the s [ai] d genrall Seale 


Page no. 863 Trinity 1649 27june 
L Richard Lodge 8c Robte Colthirst et al def [endant] 

Whereby an order of the 16 th June instant for that the defendants answer was come in the 
Inuncion granted in the cause was dissolved unless cause was shewed to the contrary upon 
notice to the plaintiffs Cl [erk] Upon opening of the matter this Day unto this court by Mr 
Armyn being of the plaintiffs counsel 8c upon producing of the said order it was alleged that 
albeit the defendants answers are come in yet the defendants have not cleared themselves of 
their contempt but the defendants counsel alleged that the charges of the contempt have 
been tendered to the plaintiffs clerk who refused to accept thereof This court doth there- 
upon order that the defendants doe pay unto the plaintiffs clerk the charges of the contempt 
who is accordingly to accept thereof and then the defendant is to move this court herein that 
such further order may be taken as shall meete but in the meane time the Inuncion is 
continued 


Page no. 72 Michaelmas 1649 15 November 
Richard Lodge 8c Robte Colthirst et al def [endant] 

Upon opening of the matter this pute Day unto this court by Mr Turner being of the defend- 
ants counsel 8c upon reading of an order of the 27 th of June last whereby it was ordered that 
the defendant should pay unto the plaintiff of the charges of the contempt who was to accept 
thereof 8c then the to defendant to move the court therein but in the meane time the Inuncion 
was continued It was alleged that since the granting of these orders the defendant hath 
caused 30 s [hillings] to be tendered to the plaintiffs Clerk in this court for discharge of the 
pieces of contempt which was all that was then due but the plaintiffs Clerk refused to accept 
thereof although the said order was shewed unto him as by the aff [idavi] t of Christopher 
Nicholson gent now all soe read appe [are] d 8c yet the plaintiff hath since p[ro] ceeded to 
ac [ti] on of re be 11 ag[ains] t the defendant his answer being longe since come in It is therefore 
ordered that the said contempts 8c all further proceedings thereupon be staied 8c the Inuncion 
clearly 8c absolutely dissolved unless the s[ai] d plaintiff or his Clerk in this court haveing 
notice hereof shall within 8 daies after such notice shew unto this court good cause to the 
contrary 12 

12 The Decrees 8c Order Indexes were examined to Trinity 1650 inclusive and no further references 
of Lodge v Colthirst were found. 


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359 


Appendix 2 

Will of Richard Lodge, 30 October 1656 

In the name of God Amen the one and thirtiethe day of October in the yeare of our Lord 
God Accordinge to the Computacon of the Church of England one thousand six hundred 
ffithie and sixe Of Richard Lodge of Leeds in the Countie of Yorke Merchant beinge in 
reasonable health of bodie and of good and perfect memorie for which I praise Almightie 
God yet calling to mind the shormes and instabilitie of this present life And havinge a mind 
to dispose of my land Tenements goods and Chattells for the avoydinge of all suits and 
contentions which may happen to growe or arise after my death about the same do make and 
ordaine this my last will and testament in manner and forme ffollowinge That is to say, ffirst 
and principally I commend my soule into the hands of Almightie God my most mercifull 
father assuredly trustinge and faithfully believinge to have full remission of all my sinnes by 
the previous death and bloodshedding of my alone Saviour and Redeemer Jesus Christ and 
by him alone and through his merits to have everlasting life amongst the blessed Saints and 
Children of God in the Kingdome of Heaven And I commit my bodie to the earth whereof it 
was made in hope of ajoyfull resurrection at his last day And as touchinge the disposition of 
my lands and tenements My will and mind is that Sarah my lovinge wife shall have one third 
part thereof duringe her naturall life Also I give and bequeath unto John Lodge my sonne 
and heire apparent and his heires forever all those two messuages or dwellinge houses or 
tenements and all houses, bames, buildings, closes, lands and Tenements thereunto belonginge 
with the appurtenances scituated, lyinge, and beinge in Buslingthorpe within the Mannor of 
Leeds aforesaid now in the severall occupacon of Peter Smalpage and Thomas Smalpage, or 
the one of their assignes Also that land which I lately purchased of Mathew Stypen called by 
the name of Windemore and where I have now built one new house and severall out build- 
ings Also two Ings lyinge within the Township of Shadwell knowne or called by the name of 
Earle Ings Also I give and bequeath unto Richard Lodge my second sonne and his heires 
forever that messuage or Tenement where I now dwell with the appurtenances thereunto 
belonginge scituated lyinge and beinge in Caull Lane in Leedes aforesaid and one close of 
land called Rillingshey with the appurtenances in Hunslett, nowin the tenure of William 
Whitley which said close I lately purchased of Thomas Clowdsley Also I give and bequeath 
unto Thomas Lodge my youngest sonne and his heires forever all that messuage or Tene- 
ment with the appurtenances scituated lyinge and beinge in Brogatte in Leeds aforesaid now 
in the Tenure or occupatcon of John Walker Merchant or his assignes Also one close of land 
called halfe acre with the appurtenances lyinge and beinge in Leeds and Leeds Woodhouse 
now in the tenure of Richard Midgsby or his assignes Also I give and bequeath unto Sarah 
Lodge my eldest daughter and her heires all those two closes of land the Braine and high 
thorne and one parcell of land lyinge in a certaine place in the fielde of Leeds Woodhouse 
called Loehcliffe conteininge one hundred thirtie sixe yards in length and nine yards and a 
half in breadth, now in the tenure or occupacon of Geo. Banister andjohn Simpson or their 
assignes, as also the benefit of my house at Caull sloote duringe my leases now in the Tenure 
of Grace Linkney Also I give unto my youngest daughter and her heires all those two closes 
of land called the Marsh closes ate Shipsker closes with the appurtenances lyinge and beinge 
within the Mannor of Leeds aforesaid now in the tenure of uxro Batsone Also one close of 


13 Latin for 'wife of. 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


land lyinge in Newell called by the name of (blank) which I purchased ofjohn Dixon of 
Skipton, for my personall estate my will is that Sarah my wife (after my debts paid and 
funerall expenses discharged) shall have one third part thereof accordinge to the customs 
and manner of the place where I now live Also I give unto my lovinge sister Margaret Sickes 
Twentie pounds and unto each of my Nephews and Nieces Twentie shillings to buy them a 
ringe, And likewise unto my cosin Tho Dixon to weare in remembrance of me I give unto 
Christopher Steyse twentie shilings and unto William Corke twentie shillings; All the rest of 
my goods, Chattells, Cattles, rights, credits and debts unto John Lodge, Rich Lodge, Thomas 
Lodge, Sarah Lodge and Alice Lodge equally to be divided amongst them Unto my ever 
honoured Cosin Mrjoseph Watkinson I give Twentie shillings to buy him a ringe to weare 
in remembrance of me And unto my brother William Moxon ffive pounds: And I give the 
tuition of all my said Children un to Joseph Watkinson, Christopher Watkinson, Joseph 
Norton and sister Mary Sickes And I doe make Joseph Watkinson, Christopher Watkinson, 
Joseph Norton sole executors of this my last will and testament In witness whereof I the said 
Richard Lodge the testator set my hand and seale 

Richard Lodge in die presence of us Elizabeth Aldburgh, Elizabeth Watkinson 

This Will was proved at London before the Judges for probate of the wills and gran tinge 
Administracones lawfully authorised the thirteenth day of Februarie in the yeare of our 
Lord God (accordinge to die Computacon of die Church of England) one Thousand sixe 
hundred fifde sixe by the oaths of Joseph Watkinson, Chistopher Watkinson and Joseph 
Norton his executors named in the said Will, to whome was committed Admin istracon of all 
and singular the goods Chattells and debts of the said deceased; They beinge first swome (by 
Commission) true ly to administer 


Appendix 3 

Whelpdale v Watkinson 1663 disputed Will of Richard Lodge of Leeds 14 

To the right honorourable Edward Earle of Clarendon Lord High Chancellor of England 

Humbly complaining shew unto your Lords your Orator John Whelpdale of Pioreth in the 
County of Cumberland Esq and Sarah his wife which said Sarah was the late wife of Richard 
Lodge late of Leeds in the County of Yorke, merchant, that the sayd Richard Lodge in his life 
time was lawfully seised in fee or of some other estate of Inheritance of divers Messuages 
Lands and Tenements in Leeds and elsewhere in the County of Yorke of good yearely vallue 
and was possessed of and interessed in a greate personall estate in Plate Jewels ready money 
Leade Woole Leases for yeares debts packs and trusses of cloath partes and shares of shipps 
and other goods and chatells to the vallue of eight thousand pounds or //icrabouts and hee 
being soe thereof seised and possessed respectively and having marryed your Orau ix Sarah 
with whome hee had two thousand pounds in portion and haveing had by her five children 
living when hee died namelyjohn Richard Thomas Sarah and Alice Lodge all of them very 
young Infants the eldest not above eleven yeares old did in his lifetime namely in or about the 

14 TNA, C10/72/168. The original document is damaged. Italics are assumed wording in lieu of 
missing parts of the page. 


DOCUMENTS 


361 


month of October which was in the yeare of our lord one thousand six hundred and fifty and 
six made his last Will andTestament in writeing and did thereby amongst other things devise 
give and bequeath unto your Oratrix Sarah a third parte of his Lands and Tenements for her 
life and did alsoe thereby give and bequeath unto her a third parte of his personal estate and 
did devise thereby give and bequeath some small legacys to others and of his said Will hee 
did make one Joseph Watkinson Christopher Watkinson andjoseph Norton his Executors 
and to them alsoe hee did by the sayd Will give [ unreadable ] and ^custody tuition and 
education of his sayd five children as by the sayd Will if the same may bee produced will 
appeare and shortly after namely in or about the month of November which was in the sayd 
yeare of our Lard one thousand and six hundred fifty and six hee the sayd Richard Lodge 
dyed seised and possessed respectively of such his estate reall and personall and to the vallue 
as aforesayd And your Orator further sheweth after the death of the sayd Richard Lodge the 
sayd Joseph Watkinson Christopher Watkinson andjoseph Norton tooke uppon them the 
Executorshippe and proved the sayd Will and did enter unto the goods and personall estate 
of the sayd Richard Lodge and they did gather of to bee praysed and Inventoried but they 
did omitt the residue thereof out of the sayd Inventory and appraysement and pertuculerly 
your Orator shew unto your Lordshippe that the sayd Richard Lodge being a Merchant did 
a verry great traffique and traiding in cloth and other goods and merchandise to divers 
partes beyond the seas hee did within the Compasse of one yeare next before his death 
sende over in divers shipps into the sayd partes beyond the seas to his sayd [ damage \ . . .and 
chapmen there great quantitys of broad Cloathes Carseys 1 1 Reds and white and other Wool- 
len Cloathes and merchandise to the vallue of fower thousand pounds and upwards All 
which sayd quantytys of cloath or the most parte thereof soe sent over were disposed of and 
sold beyond the seas by the factors and agents of the sayd Richard Lodge but the sayd 
Richard Lodge dyed before any retumes thereof were made to him soe that all the profit and 
proceed that was received and gotten thereby was returned and came to the hands of the 
saydjoseph Watkinson Christopher Watkinson andjoseph Norton beeing Executors of the 
sayd Richard Lodge as aforesaid And your Orator further shew that as the sayd Executors 
did omitt and not bring to praysement and Inventory either the cloathes and goods sente 
over into the partes beyond the seas as aforesaid or the proceed returne and profit of the 
sayd Chatties or goods soe sente beyond the seas soe likewise they omitted to bring to 
praysement and Inventory divers other of the goods late of the said Richard Lodge here in 
England and likewise omitted divers debts which were oweing to the sayd Richard Lodge 
out of the sayd Inventory and not onely soe but they the sayd Executors by theire directions 
and appoyntment caused those goods that were Inventoryed and praysed to be verry much 
under vallued and underpraysed and yet neverthelesse it appeal s by a perticuler schedule or 
Inventory and apraysementof the goods and debts made by persons of theire owne nomina- 
tion but without any oath that the whole vallue of the sayd Goods and Debts did amount in 
the whole to five thousand ninety and two pounds five shillings and five pence and yet there 
is noe mention at all therein of any the goods sente to the partes beyond the seas within one 
yeare before his death nor of any Retume of the proceede made for the same nor of any of 
his the sayd Richard Lodge his partes of shipps wherein hee was interessed at his death And 
likewise in the sayd schedule or Inventory of Debts it appears that adebt due to the sayd 

l5 That is, Kerseys - coarse woollen cloths, usually ribbed. 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


Richard Lodge by one Mr Gamble of one hunched and seaventy pounds and one other Debt 
by Mr Marke Pepper of fifty pounds and likewise one other Debt of one hundred pounds 

due byjoseph Norton are amongst many others all of them omitted out of the sayd sched- 
ule or Inventory of Debts alsoe it appears by the sayd Schedule or Inventory that there is not 
any mention therein made of a lease of a house in Leedes for divers for divers yeares 
endureing which the sayd Richard Lodge had at the time of his death alsoe all the ready 
money beeing of the vallue of seaventeene hundred pounds which hee received but a few 
days before hee dyed which hee the sayd Richard Lodge had at the time of his death is all 
omitted out of the sayd Inventory save elleaven shillings which is sayd to bee in his purse 
And your Orator further show that as well by vertue of the sayd Will bequest and Legacy of 
the third parte of his personal estate therein mentioned as alsoe of her ellection by vertue of 
an ancient custome time out of minde used within the province of Yorke the wife of every 
inhabitant within the sayd Province dying there or elsewhere haveing a wife and child or 
children at the time of his death after the debts due by the by the deceased payd and 
moderate funeralls discharged ought to have a cleare third parte in three partes to bee 
devided of the goods chattels and debts due to the deceased for her owne proper use and 
behoofe And your Orator further show that afterward namely about seaven yeares since 
your Orator did lawfully intermarry together and by virtue therof and of the Will and custome 
respectively before mentioned they ought to have and receive one full third parte in three 
partes to be devided of all the whole personall estate goods chattels rights and creddits of the 
sayd Richard Lodge whereof or wherein he was possessed or interessed at the time of his 
death But now soe it is may it please your Lordshippe that although the saydjoseph Watkinson 
and Christopher Watkinson the surviving Executors before named (the other Executor 
Joseph Norton being since dead) doe well know the truth of all and singular the promisses as 
the same are before herein set forth yet they the saydjoseph Watkinson and Christopher 
Watkinson combineing and confederate ing themselves together how to make unjust advan- 
tages to themselves by the sayd Richard Lodge his personall estate have ever since the death 
of the sayd Richard Lodge denyed and refused to give unto your Orator Sarah dureing the 
time of her widdowehood or unto your Orator since the time of theire Intermarriage any 
true just or perfect account of the verry true perticulers of the personall estate of the sayd 
Richard Lodge or of the true and verry values thereof although they have sundry times and 
in freindly maner beene thereunto requested by your Orator or by one of them or by some 
others on theire behalfe and to have a full and cleare third parte of the same set out and 
devided from the residue and delivered to your Orators as both by the Will and custome 
aforesayd respecdvely they ought to doe In tender consideration whereof and for that the 
doeings and proceedings of them the sayd Executor in the promisses is contrary to right 
equity and good conscience and for that your Orator doe not certainly know the true 
particulars or vallues of the sayd Richard Lodge his personall estate whereof hee dyed 
possessed of and interessed in nor how much therof came to the hands of the sayd Executors 
save onely what appears by the sayd schedule or Inventory volluntaryly by them exhibited 
and not uppon oath And which was verry fan e shorte of his personall estate but well hopeth 
that if the sayd confederates bee called unto this honourable Court to make answer to all and 
singular the promises upon theire Corporall oathes they will bee drawne thereby to confesse 
the truth of all and singular the promises soe as some way may bee made for your Orators 
releife herein by the aide and assistance of this honourable Court to the end and intent 


DOCUMENTS 


363 


therefore that the saydjoseph Watkinson and Christopher Watkinson may bee here called 
to answer uppon theire oaths to all and singular the promisses And in particular may pro- 
duce and bring forth uppon Oath a true and perfect Inventory of all the goods Chattells and 
personall estate whereof the sayd Richard Lodge dyed possessed and the true and utmost 
vallue of them and what shipps or parts of shipps hee then had and the vallue of them and 
what ready money or cash the sayd Richard Lodge was then alsoe possessed of And what 
proceed or profit was made or returned to them for or in respect of the Cloath Carseys and 
Woollens Draperys shipt and sente to the partes beyond the seas the yeare before hee dyed 
and what debts due to the sayd Richard Lodge they have received compounded or gotten 
satisfaction for and what is behinde and unpayd thereof as alsoe what debts due and oweing 
by the sayd Richard Lodge at his death they the sayd executors have payd and when and to 
whome and upon what securyty or securytys they soe have payd the same And what securytys 
they have taken upp and cleared by such there payments And that uppon the whole matter 
your Orator may receive such timely releife herein as to justice and equity shall appertaine 
May it please your Lordshippe to grant unto your Orator his majestys writt of subpoena 
under the Seale of this honourable Court to bee directed to the saydjoseph Watkinson and 
Christopher Watkinson thereby commanding them and either of them at a certaine day and 
under a certaine payne therein to be limited personally, to bee and appeare before your 
honours in the high and honourable Court of Chancery then and there to make answer 
uppon theire severall corporall oathes to all and singular the promisses and further to stand 
to and abide such further order direction and decree therein as to your Lordshippe shall 
seeme most agreeable to equity and good conscience and your Orator shall ever pray etc 

Bill of Complaint 16 

To the right honourable Edward Earle of Clarendon Lord High Chancellor of England 

humbly comp [lain] t shew unto your Lords your Ora tor John Whelpedale of Piareth in Com 
of Cumberland Esq 8c Sarah his wife which said Sarah was ye late wife of Richard Lodge late 
of Leeds in Com Yorke, merchant, dece[ase]d that said Thomas Lodge in his lifetime was 
lawfully seized in fee as of some other estate of inheritance of divers messuages lands 8c 
tenements in Leeds or elsewhere in ye Countie of Yorke of good yearly value &was also 
poss[ess]ed of 8c in tressed in a greate p[er] sonall Estate in plate jewells ready money leade 
woole leases for years debts packs 8c trusses of cloth p [ar] ts 8c shares of sheepe 8c other goods 
8c chattels to ye value of £8000 or thereabouts 8c he being so thereof seized 8c poss[ess]ed 
respectively 8c having married your Oratrix Sarah with whome he had £2000 and having 
had by her five children living when he dyed namelyjohn Richard Thomas Sarah 8c Alice 
Lodge all of them very young infants the eldest not above 1 1 yeares old did in his lifetime 
namely in or about ye month of October 1656 make his last will 8c testament in writing and 
did thereby amongst other things give 8c bequeath unto your Orator a 3 rd parte of his lands 
8c tenements for her life 8c did also thereby give 8c bequeath unto her a 3 rd parte of his 
p [er] sonall Estate 8c did likewise thereby give and bequeath some small legacies to others 8c 
of his said Will did make one Joseph Watkinson 8c Christopher Watkinson &Joseph Norton 
his Executors 8c to them also he did give comitt 8c bequeath ye custody tuition 8c education 

16 This was written in very small writing and is probably the first drafting of the Bill. 


364 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


of his six children as by ye said will he did make one Joseph Watkinson And your Orator 
further sheweth that after ye death of ye said Richard Lodge ye said Joseph Watkinson 
Christopher Watkinson &Joseph Norton tooke upon them ye executorshipp 8c proved the 
said Will 8c did enter all ye goods 8c chattels of ye said Richard Lodge 8c they caused pt 
thereof to be praised 8c inventoried but they did omit ye residue thereof 8c [fade] esly your 
Orator shew unto your Lordship that the said Richard Lodge being a merchant that had a 
veiy rich traffique 8c trading in cloth & other merchandise to divers p [ar] ts beyond ye seas he 
did within ye compasse of one year next before his death send over his factors 8c Chapman 
there greate quantities of broad cloth Carefeys Red & white 8c other woollen clothes 8c 
merchandise to ye value of £4000 8c upwards all which said quantities of cloth or ye most 
p[ar] te thereof soe sent over were disposed of 8c sold beyond ye seas by ye factors 8c agents 
of ye said Richard Lodges but ye said Richard Lodge dyed before any re tomes thereof were 
made to them except that which ye p[ro]fits 8c p[ro]ceeds that was rec[eiv]ed 8c gotten 
thereby But returned 8c came to ye hands of ye said Joseph Watkinson Christopher Watson 
&Joseph Norton 8c your Orator further shew that as the said Executors did omitt to praise 
any of either ye clothes 8c goods sent over into ye p [ar] ts beyond ye seas or ye p [ro] ceeds of 
ye said Cloathes so sent to seas as aforesaid so they omitted to bring to appraisement 8c 
Inventory divers other of ye goods late of Richard Lodge here in England 8c likewise omitted 
were debts which were owing to ye said Richard Lodge out of ye said Inventory 8c not onely 
soe but they the said Executors by dieir direcion 8c appointment caused those goods that 
were inventoried 8c appraised to be very much undervalued 8c underpraised yet neverthe- 
less itt appeare by a p [ar] ticular Schedule or Inventory 8c appraisement of ye goods 8c debts 
made by p[er]sonsof their own e nominacon but without any oath that ye value of ye goods 
did amount unto £5092 s5 8c 5d 8c there is no mencon at all therein of any goods sent to 
p [ar] ts beyond the sea within one yeare before his death nor of any retume of ye p [ro] ceeds 
made for ye same nor of any of his ye said Richard Lodge his part of shipps wherein he was 
interessed att his death 8c likewise in ye said schedule or Inventory that there is noe mention 
therein made of a lease of a house due byjoseph Norton are amongst any others of all of 
them omitted out of ye said Schedule or Inventory of debt also it appears by ye said Schedule 
or Inventory that there is not any mencon of 1 7 which he rece [ive] d but a few daies before 
he died Which he had at ye time of his death is all omitted out of ye said Inventory save 11s 
which is said to be in his purse 8c your Orator further sheweth that aftwards namely about 7 
years since your Orator did lawfully intmarry togeather 8c by virtue thereof 8c of ye Will 8c 
custome respectively before menconed they ought to have 8c receive one full 3 rd pee in 3 
parts to be devided of ye whole psonall Estate goods chattels rights 8c credits of ye said 
Richard Lodge whereof or wherein he was poss[ess]ed or intessed in at ye time of his death 
but now so it is may it please your lordship that the saidjoseph Watkinson 8c Christopher 
Watkinson combineing together how to make unjust advantages to themselves by the said 
Richard Lodge his p[er]sonall Estate have ever since ye death of ye said Richard Lodge 
denyed 8c refused to give unto your Orator Sarah during ye time of hir Widdowhood or unto 
your Orator since ye time of their Intermarriage a true just or p [er] feet account of ye veiy 
true p [ar] ticulers of ye p [er] sonall Estate of ye said Richard Lodge or of ye true values 
thereof although your Orator hath sundry times requested him thereunto 8c to have a full 3 rd 
part of ye same sett out 8c devided both by Will 8c custome aforesaid repectively they ought 
to doe in tender consideracon 8c for that the doings 8c p [ro] ceedings of them ye said Execu- 


DOCUMENTS 


365 


tors in ye promises is contrary to equity 8c good conscience 8c for that your Orator doe not 
certainly knowe ye true p[ar] ticulers or values of the said Richard Lodge his p[er]sonall 
Estate whereof he dyed posse [sse]d 8c int[er]essed in nor how much thereof came to ye 
hands of ye said Executors save onely what appears by ye said schedule or Inventory 
voluntarily exhibited 8c not upon oath 8c which was very fan* short of his p[er]sonall Estate 
but well hopeth that if ye said Confederates be called into this honourable Court to ye end 8c 
intent therefore that ye saidjoseph Watkinson 8c Christopher Watkinson may be called to 
Answere upon oath to all & singular ye promises 8c in p [ar] ticuler may bring forth upon oath 
a true 8c p[er] feet Inventory of all ye goods chattels 8c p[er]sonall Estate whereof ye said 
Richard Lodge dyed poss [ess] ed 8c ye true 8c utmost value of them 8c what shipps or parte of 
shipps he then had 8c ye value of them 8c what ready money or cash ye said Richard was then 
Also poss [ess] ed 8c what p[ro] ceed or p [ro] fitt was made or returned to them for or in respect 
of ye Clothes carseys 8c woollens drap [er] ies shipt 8c sent to ye p [ar] ts beyond ye seas the 
yeare before he died 8c what is rece [ive] d 8c whatt is behind 8c unpaid thereof as also what 
debts due 8c Owing by ye said Richard Lodge at his death they ye said Executors have paid 
& when 8c to whome 8c what securitie or securities they have soe paid & which securities 
they have taken upp 8c cleared by such paiements 8c that upon ye whole matter your Orator 
may receive such reliefe therein that to justice 8c equity shall appertaine may itt please your 
lordshipp to gi ant unto your Orator his ma [jest] ies writ of S [ub] p [oen] a under seale of this 
honourable Court to be directed to saidjoseph Watkinson 8c Christopher Watkinson thereby 
coman ding them & etc 


Marsham The severall answere of Christopher Watkinson witness of the defendants 
to the Bill of Complaint ofjohn Whelpdale and Sarah his wife Complainant 

This defendant now and att all tymes saveinge to himselfe of and all manner of advantages of 
excepcon to the manifold incercainties of the said Complainants Bill of Complaint for a full 
and p [er] feet answere thereunto or unto soe much thereof as doth in anywise as this defend- 
ant is advised conceme him this defendant to make answere unto Hee this defendant saith 
that true it is ye Richard Lodge in the Bill named on or about the tyme in the Bill menconed 
was seised in fee or of some other estate of inheritance as this defendant doth verily believe 
diverse messuages lands and Tenements in Leeds and in diverse of other places within the 
County of Yorke out of the rents and profitts of which said lands and premisses this defend- 
ant doth hope to prove that the said Complainants or one of them have or hath received and 
still doth receive in the right of the said Sarah one of the Complainants full third parte for her 
dower but this defendant saith that hee doth not know what porcon the said Testator had 
with the Complainant Sarah And this defendant further saith that true it is that on or about 
the tyme in the Bill alsoe that behalfe menconed the said Richard Lodge did make his last will 
and Testament to the effect in the Bill specified and afterwards about the tyme likewise 
menconed in the Bill soe dyed possessd of severall goods and chattels Cloth money and 
p [er] sonall estate of good vallue but farr short of the sume of Eight Thousand pounds And 
this defendant does believe that it did not amount to more than five thousand ninety Two 
Poundes five shillinges and Two pence or there abouts And this defendant likewise saith 
that the said Richard Lodge att the tyme of his death was very much indebted and did owe 


366 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


severall greate sumes of money which did exceed all the p [er] sonall estate which was the said 
Richard Lodges at the tyme of his death and that hath come to the hands of this defendant or 
of Joseph Norton deceased in the Bill menconed to this defendants knowledge or to any 
other p [er] son or p [er] sons whatsoever for their use and by their privity and direccon And 
diis defendant saith that it beinge seaven yeares agoe or thereabouts since the Inventory in 
die Bill menconed was exhibited hee dodi not remember what goods or chatdes were omit- 
ted therein But hee this defendant saith that hee this defendant hath annexed unto the 
answere of him diis defendant a true Inventory of all the goods and chattels and p[er] sonall 
estate which came to die hands of him this defendant and Joseph Norton deceased or either 
of them or to any other p[er] son or p[er]sons for this defendants use to this defendants 
knowledge And that neither this defendant nor the said Joseph Norton to this defendants 
knowledge have or hath taken security in anywise for any other sume or sumes of money 
whatsoever And likewise this defendant hath annexed a schedule or Inventory of all such 
sum and sums of money as this defendant can claime or demand belonged to him this 
defendant as Executor to the said Richard Lodge deceased from any p[er] son or p[er] sons 
whatsoever to this defendants utmost remembrance And this defendant further saith that 
hee this defendant hath paid and necessarily experided[ ?] the said severall sumes of money 
expressed and sett downe in the schedule to the answere of this defendant alsoe annexed for 
the debts and in the necessary management of the estate and about the funerall of the said 
Richard Lodge and for which this defendant doth crave an allowance of this honorable 
Courte And hath alsoe sett downe and expressed severall other sumes of money which are 
still due and owinge by this defendant as Executor to die said Richard Lodge to the severall 
p [er] sons named in die said schedule or Inventory All which said schedules and Inventories 
to this defendants answere annexed hee this defendant prayeth may bee accepted and taken 
as parte of this said answere and this defendant further saith and confesseth that Uue it is the 
said Richard Lodge in his life tyme did exercise the trade of a Merchant in buyinge and 
se Hinge of Cloath and transporUnge of it into other parts beyond the seas And was likewise 
imployed as factors for other men to the same purpose And this defendant doth verily 
believe that in the yeare before his death the said Richard Lodge did transporte severall 
trusses and packs of cloth to severall places beyond the seas But this defendant doth verily 
believe the same or the greatest parte thereof was upon the accompt of other p [er] sons for 
and by whome hee was imployed for that this defendant could never discover by the Testa- 
tors bookes or by any other inquiry that all the cloth soe sent as aforesaid belong to the said 
testator But this defendant hath discovered since the Testators death that most partes of the 
said cloth was sold 8c disposed upon the account and for the use of Walter Pell Walter 
Hampton and WHliam Atwood and others But noe parte thereof for himselfe save such parte 
onely as is exprest in the said some And this defendant saith that the said Testator in his 
lifetime was possessed of a Certaine Messuage in Leeds which hee held as tenant att will of 
the ffeoffes of the Schoole of Leeds And which this defendant doth still hold as tennant at 
wiU to the said ffeoffees And this defendant further saith that hee doth not know of any lease 
of any other messuage whereof the said Richard Lodge dyed possessed except the messuage 
last menconed wherein the said Testator hath onelyaTerme att will And this defendant 
further saith that the utmost vallues and sumes of money that have or could bee made of the 
goods Chatdes or household stuffe or any other parte of the p [er] sonall Estate of the said 
Richard Lodge and which hath beene disposed or sold by this defendant or any other with 


DOCUMENTS 


367 


his privity and the proceeds and profitts hereof And all sume or sumes of money which hath 
beene reposed by him this defendant or the saidjoseph Norton deceased or any other by 
their direccons to this defendants knowledge (the saidjoseph Watkinson notintermedlinge 
with the execucon of the said will) Are fully & truly expressed in the schedule hereunto 
annexed without any fraud diminucon or decite whatsoever And that noe more or other 
parte of the said p [er] sonall estate is come to this defendants hands to his utmost remem- 
brance And such parte of the household stuffe as are not yet disposed of are or late were in 
the hands or possession of the said Complainants or one of them And this defendant denye 
that hee this defendant hath any other parte of the p [er] sonall estate which was of the said 
Richard Lodge att the tyme of his death in his hands to bee administred save onely the said 
household stuffe which alsoe are lyable as this defendant conceives to the satisfieing of the 
remaineinge debts of the said Testator And this defendant denye th all manner of Combina- 
tion and confederacy whatsoever with the saidjoseph Watkinson one other of the defend- 
ants or with any other p [er] son or p [er] sons whatsoever to the prejudice of the said Com- 
plainants or either of them without that any other matter or thinge in the said Complainants 
Bill of Complaint contained and not herein and hereby sufficiendy answered unto confessed 
and avoyded traversed or denyed is true in such manner and forme as is therein sett forth 
wherefore this defendant humbly prayes that hee this defendant may be dismissed out of this 
honourable Courte with his reasonable costs and charges in this behalfe most wrongfully 
sustained 

Cap[iatum] &jur[atum] apud Leeds in Com Ebor vicesimo sexto die Aprilis Anno RJegni] 
R[egi]sCaroli s[e]c[un]di nunc Anglia Decimo sexto coram nob [is] 

[Taken Sc sworn in Leeds in the County of York twenty sixth day of April in the sixteenth 
year of the reign of Charles the second now of England before us] 

Ro Rossy Jo Caterall H Atkinson 

Schedule or Inventory of ye sommes of money 1 7 paid and disbursed by this defendant 
andjoseph Norton deceased executors of the last will and testament of Richard Lodge 
Imprimis mr Orlando Gee at sundry payments for ye right honourable the Earle of 
Northumberlands Esq beinge in parte of a debt of seaventeen hundred pounds 
due to his Lordshipp £1350-0-0 

Item to mr Walter Hampton in full his and collonell Jones debt and for intrest £ 718-0-0 
Item the expences to London of this defendant Christopher Watkinson 
to cleare ye debt £ 10-0-0 

Item to Joseph Watkinson one of the executors of mr William Lodge in parte 
debt of eleven hundred sixty six pounds thirteen shillings four pence due to the £ 700-0-0 
heires of the said William Lodge 

Item to mr William Moxon in full his debt and Intrest £ 208-0-0 

1 'The figures in the actual document are written in Roman numerals but for ease of reference 
have been transcribed using Arabic figures.Brackets linking items of more than one line have 
been omitted. 


368 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


£ 436-13-4 
£ 49-4-8 
£ 20 - 0-0 
£ 46-0-0 
£ 30-0-0 
0 - 2-0 
1 - 10-0 
2 - 8-0 
2 - 11-8 
1-17-0 
8 - 10-0 


£ 

£ 

£ 

£ 

£ 

£ 


£ 

£ 

£ 


Item to mr William Watkinson in parte a debt of £500 
Item tojames Lobley in full 
Item to Ralph Rimer in full 
Item to Robert Booth in full 

Item tojohn Lox taken of him by mr Lodge upon returne for London 
Item to mr Richard Robinson of Hull 

Item to mr Clarke for horse grass beinge a younge colt sold mr Moxon 
Item to mr William Banner in full 
Item to mr Lox for Cow gates 
Item for engraveinge mr Lodge epitaph 

Item to mr Thomas Williamson of Yorke for Sarah Lodge table 
Item to mr Thomas Squire for brobate of ye will £2-5s-0d and bringinge 
originall will downe from London per Dr Watkinson pd him £2-12s-0d 
Item to William Walker for Hunslett Tyth 
Item to severall expences by William Hardisty cash booke 
Item to severall workemen at Winmore house owinge at mr Lodge death 
Item to Mrs Lodge as per mr Nortons Account 
Item charges aboute collectinge ye seale money 
Item tojabez Bentley for beddinge bought at London 
Item to mr Lunn one yeares rent for James Metcalfe house due at mr Lodge death£ 2-16-0 
Item to mr Portington halfe yeares rent for highdam closes to William 
Kitchinman due then 

Item to Joseph Watkinson for ye childrens table due at mr Lodge death for 
one yeare 

Item to mr Mathew Topham of Hull which he paid by order of mr Lodge for 
Coustome of Cloth 

Item to Mrs Elizabeth Aldbrough in parte her debt of £64-0-0 
Item to Henry Cocke owinge him for Ale 

Item severall small debts owinge at mr Lodge death by Cash booke 
Item to Captaine Cookes heires 

Item my expences twice to London to make an end with mr Thos Thinne 
Item to Doctor Watkinson which he paid for mr Hamptons wri tinges 
Item to Mrs Margett Sykes due to her 
Item to Phillip Burnell of Selby in full due to him 
Item for entringe ye Inventory unto ye prerogative court 
Item for ye poore rent for bussie land owinge at mr Lodge death 


4-17-0 
1 - 0-0 
61-4-5 
£105-16-8 
£ 33-0-0 
£ 0-16-6 
£ 16-1-0 


£ 11 - 0-0 

£ 15-5-0 

£ 7-7-3 
£ 16-0-0 
£ 3-17-0 
£ 7-19-10 
£ 29-4-6 
£ 14-8-4 
£ 1 - 12-6 
£ 19-3-0 
£ 2-7-0 
£ 3-12-6 

£ 3-0-0 


DOCUMENTS 


369 


Item paid William Hardisty againe of ye £1 10 which mr Lodge had with 
him to make him free of ye Merchant Adventurers company of Hambro 
Item to mr Shaun Fox suits and bringinge downe trialls per his bills 
Item to ye Balifs for servinge ye writts and theire Charges 
Item to mr Brogden for law suits 

Item for clothes for William Hardisty as per his cash booke 
Item to The charges of Payinge and Receivinge money and 
carridge too and from sundry places 
Item to Cissile Scelton due to her for Elisabeth Moxons entertainment 
for 7 now past at £20 per Annum for ye payment wherof Richard Lodge 
did engage himselfe 

Payments: £4188-14-2 ; The Totall Somme is 
Hereunder whatt debts are yett standinge out and owinge by 
this defendant as executor to Richard Lodge deceased 
Imp: due to the Right honourable ye Earle of Northumberland 
besides intrest 

Item to mr William Lodge heires besides intrest 
Item to mr William Watkinson besides intrest 
Item to Mrs Aldbrough besides intrest 

The Totall Somme is 


Schedule and Inventory of ye debts and somes of money 
Receaved by this defendant andjoseph Norton deceased 
Executors of the testament of Richard Lodge 
Item by ye profett of the seale and shippinge as by a per 
ticular schedule 

Item out of the Inventory of household goods and chattels as 
per Sedule 

Item of mr Mathew Topham of Hull 
Item of mr Henry Metcalfe of Hull 
Item of mr James Shipard of Hull 

Item of mr Tankerd of London returned to him immediately 
before mr Lodge death 

Item of mr John Sykes committed from Rotterdam upon Account 


£ 50-0-0 
£ 4-6-4 

£ 2-14-0 
£ 10-5-8 
£ 10-2-5 

£ 26-6-7 


£ 140-0-0 
£4188-14-2 


£ 350-0-0 
£ 466-3-4 
£ 63-6-8 
£ 48-0-0 

£ 928-0-0 


£313-3-10 

£325-6-6 

£800-0-0 

£ 100 - 0-0 

£135-0-0 

£300-0-0 


370 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


of Cloth 

£ 

83-11-5 

Item of this defendant Chr Watkinson which was taken of 



of mr Lodge upon re tone to London 

£100-0-0 

Item ofjoseph Norton soe likewise taken 

£100-0-0 

Item of Doctor Buvuere 

£ 

30-0-0 

Item of Collonell George Gill 

£418-0-0 

Item of George Gamble of Loftus 

£170-0-0 

Item of mr Peppers ecutors 

£ 

50-0-0 

Item for 5 shipp parts sold at Hull one shipp parte yett to 



sell allowed at £30 

£350-0-0 

Item of Collonell Carr 

£ 

50-0-0 

Item of Robert Burman 

£ 

30-0-0 

Item of the Lady Vavosa 

£ 

1 1-3-0 

Item Maria Simpson 

£ 

10-0-0 

Item of Nicko: Birch of Rochdaile 

£ 

10-0-0 

Item of Collonell Henry Curren 

£ 

18-0-0 

Item of mr Hillary for George Killingebecke 

£ 

1 3-0-0 

Item of mr Thomas Ingram 

£ 

1 1-8-0 

Item of mr George Jackson 

£ 

6-7-8 

Item of mrjohn Lacocke 

£ 

5-0-0 

Item of sundry dresers 

£ 

5-19-6 

Item ofjames Howden 

£ 

5-0-0 

Item of mr Browne 

£ 

6-0-0 

Item of ye executors of mr Harrison 

£ 

16-0-0 

Item of Anthony Waid 

£ 

70-0-0 

Item of mrjohn Home of Mexbro 

£ 

10-0-0 

Item of Mrs Lodge 

£ 

40-0-0 


Receipts £3592-1 9-1 1 The Totall somme is £3592-19-1 1 


Hereunder in this Schedule what debts are yett standinge out and owinge 

to this defendant as executor to Richard Lodge Deceased 

Item Srjohn Mallory 

Item William Thompson of Hull 

Item Gudgeon of Scipton 

Item Henry Shutdeworth of Amsterdam upon Account of cloth 


£ 20 - 0-0 
£ 3-16-0 
£ 38-10-8 
£ 50-0-0 


DOCUMENTS 


371 


Item Francis Nevill and others in a bond entered to Sir William 
Lowther a bond xx yeares past ye principall money is 
Item mr Henry Nedeton upon Account 
Item William Crake of Yorke 
Item mr Thomas EtUe of Leeds upon Account 
Item Henry Moxon of Hull 
Item William Thorneton of Ellingethorpe 
Item William Thorneton of Oldstead 
Item Miny Tompson 
Item John Jackson 
Item Richard Chambers 

Item the Inventory of household goods yet unsold in ye possession 
of mr Whelpdaile 
Item one parte of a ship unsold 
Item mr Brian Beeston 
Item Thomas Mason of Yorke 
Item Edward Wright of Rippon 
Item Daniell Field 
Item Daniell Best 
Item mr Hedley of London 
Item Doctor Warde 


£500-0-0 
£138-8-2 
£150-0-0 
£153-7-1 
£ 48-0-0 
£ 30-0-0 
£ 10 - 0-0 
£ 6-4-0 
£ 5-0-0 
£ 3-0-0 

£213-19-4 
£ 30-0-0 
£ 10 - 0-0 
£ 5-0-0 

£ 8 - 0-0 
£ 10 - 0-0 
£ 20 - 0-0 
£ 1 20 - 0-0 
£ 20 - 0-0 


£1583-5-3 The Total Somme is £1583-5-3 18 

£3592 -19-11 

£5176-5-2 

The Totall somme of these two sedules Amounts to as Appears £5176-5-2 


Scedule or Inventory of ye somes of money received upon the inventory 

of household goods and chattels till this day 

Imprimis the purse and apparell 

Item for plaite 

Item for books 

Item for one Iron chest 

Item for silke and tape 

Item for wood in parte of Phillip Billacer 


£ 30-1-0 
£ 28-10-0 
£ 2-15-4 

£ 3-0-0 

£ 5-3-6 

£ 2 - 0-0 


18 The figures in this schedule have been rechecked and actually add up to £1593-5-3. 


372 YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL 

Item for 7 foeles 

Item for 53 sheepe 

Item for 3 horses and cartes 

Item for 2 gallowayes 

Item for gray geldinge and sore 11 mares 

Item for black colt sold unto William Moxon 

Item for 7 whies 

Item for 2 cowes 

Item for 4 whies 

Item for the press leade and other things in the shopp 

Item for 1 7 halfe clothes 

Item for 3 peeces of cloth 

Item for hay 

Item hay at Winmore 

Item of Christopher Watkinson for severall things left in the great house at 

Leeds as per particulars signed by the praysers 

Item of Christopher Watkinson for rainges 8c a topp in ye 

greate house in Caw Laine 

Item of mr Trapps 

The totall somme is 


Sedule or Inventory of his received for the profett of the shippinge and seale 

Imp Thomas Robinson 

Item Thomas Cockerill 

Item mr Anderson 

Item Edward Atkinson of Rochdaile 

Item the seale keeper of Kichley 

Item Abigill Hardwicke of Waike field 

Item Christopher Scaife of Leeds 

Item Abigill Harwicke of Waikefeild 

Item Edward Atkinson of Rochdaile 

Item John Winle of Eyland 

Item widd Hoscroft of Hallifax 

Item widd Hoscroft by Robert Booth 


JOURNAL 

£ 11 - 0-0 
£ 7-10-0 
£ 6-10-0 
£ 3-10-0 
£ 15-0-0 
£ 10-0-0 
£ 12-5-0 
£ 5-0-0 

£ 10-0-0 
£ 17-0-0 
£ 99-5-8 
£ 11-3-0 
£ 1-0-0 
£ 1-8-0 

£ 23-12-0 

£ 15-13-0 
£ 4-0-0 

£325-6-6 


£ 44-0-0 
£ 24-4-0 
£ 16-0-0 
£ 4-15-0 
£ 10 - 0-0 
£ 11 - 0-0 
£ 29-6-0 
£ 36-18-0 
£ 16-2-4 
£ 11 - 0-0 
£ 1-18-0 
£ 20 - 0-0 


DOCUMENTS 


373 


Itemjohn Winle of Eeyland £ 1-12-6 

Item Susan Richardson of Burstall £ 20-16-6 

Item Thomas Bower of Bradford £ 1 6-0-0 

Item James Wilson of Cowne £ 9-5-0 

Item Chr. Scaife £ 40-6—6 

The Totall Somme is £3 1 3-3-10 


Scedule or Inventory of the somes of [ money owing to workmen ] at Winmoor 

Imprimis Lawrance Boothman 

Item Richard Ingle 

Item Lancelott Iveson for Bricks 

Item for Leadinge wood 

Item for Coales 

Item to the smith of Birkeby 

Item for Moss 

Item the paver 

Item for slate Leadinge 

Item for Iron 

Item for 59 loades of Lyme 
Item for slaites 
Item Thomas Hoscroft 
Item for nailes 
Item for latts 

Item George Bam by for 37 dayes 
Item William Barnby for 30 dayes 
Item Mounscey for 3 dayes 
Item Robert Bretious 
Item servant a maid at Winmoore 
Item the wallers for Lyme and sand 
The Totall some is 


£faded 
£faded 
£faded 
£faded 
£ 0-8-0 
£faded 
£ 0-4-6 

£ 2 - 0-0 
£ 1-13-0 
£ 4-8-10 
£ 1-9-6 

£ 4-18-0 
£ 22 - 0-0 
£ 1-1-10 
£ 1-1-10 
£ 1-4-0 

£ 0-5-0 
£ 0-11-8 
£ 2-5-0 

£ 2 - 0-0 
£ 4-18-0 
£105-16-8 


The severall anszvere of Joseph Watkinson 79 one of the defendants to the Bill of Complaint of 
John Whelpdale and Sarah his wife Compl[ainan] ts 

This defendant now and att all tymes savinge to himselfe of and all manner of advantage of 


19 Due to extensive fade assumed wording is in Italics. 


374 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


exepcons to the manifold incertain tiies in the said Compl [ainan] ts Bill of Compl [ain] t con- 
tained for a full 8c p [er] feet ansivere thereunto or unto soe much thereof as this defendant is 
advised conceme him this defendant to make answere unto hee this defendant sai the that it 
may bee tine diat the said Richard Lodge was seised in fee of his estate as in the Compl [ainan] ts 
Bill of Compl [ain] t is sett forth But hee this defendt doth not know of what p [er] sonall estate 
the said Richard Lodge may have had at the tyme his death and this defendant saith that 
albeit hee this defendant may be appointed one of the Executors of the Testament of the said 
Richard Lodge sett [fade] ved with the execucon of the said Will nor with the reall or 
p[er] sonall estate of the said Richard Lodge nor hath any parte of the estate of the said 
Richard Lodge [fade ] at the tyme of his death as ye estate of ye said Richard Lodge came to 
this defendants hands But this defendant confesseth that hee this defendant as Executor of 
the Testament of Willm Lodge did [fade ] Christopher Watkinson one other of the defend- 
ants 8c ofjoseph Norton in the Bill named Executor of the Testam[en] t of the said Richard 
Lodge the sume of seaven hundred pounds in [fade ] seaven hundred sixty six pounds 
Thirteen Shillinges 8c foure pence which was due 8c owinge by the said Richard Lodge in his 
lifetyme to him this defendant as Executor of the will of the said William Lodge this defend- 
ant saith that hee this defendant by 8c with his owne privity directions 8c consent be inge not 
otherwise concerned in the estate of the said Richard Lodge and further sayth that hee 
cannot give any accompt thereof to the said Compl [ainan] ts and conceives that hee is not in 
anywise liable thereunto but referreth himselfe to the answere of the other defendant made 
in ye promisses and this defendant denyeth all and all manner of Combination 8c confed- 
eracy with Christopher Watkinson the other defendant or with any other p [er] son or p [er] sons 
whatsoever to the prejudice of the said Compl [ainan] ts or either of them Without that that 
any other matter or thinge in the said Compl [ainan] ts Bill of Compl [ain] t contained and not 
herein or hereby sufFiciendy answered unto confessed or avoyded traversed or denyed is 
true in such manner 8c forme as before is sett forth wherefore this defendant humbly prayes 
that hee this defendant may bee dismissed out of this honourable Co [ur] te with his reason- 
able costs 8c charges in this behalf most wrongfully sustained 

Cap[iatum] &Jur[atum] apud Leeds in Com Ebor xxvi die Aprillis Anno R[egni] R[egi]s 
Caroli s [ e ] c [ un ] di nunc Anglia 8cc decimo Sexto coram nob [ is] 

[Taken 8c sworn in Leeds in the County of York twenty sixth day of April in the sixteenth 
year of the reign of Charles the second now of England etc before us] 

Ro Rossy 

Jo Catterall 

H Atkinson 

Rear of page: 5 May 1664 

p [fade] man 

Atkinson 

Comass 

Richard Lodge, Leeds Watkinson vWhelpdale 13June 1664 20 


20 TNA, C10/488/241. 


DOCUMENTS 


375 


13June 1664 To the Right Honoroble Edward Earle of Cl[arendon] Lord high Chancellor 
of England 

Humbly complaineing Sc sheweth unto your Lordshipp your Orator Xpofer Watkinson of 
Leeds in the County of York Merchant Executor of the Testament of Richard Lodge deed 

tha [ damage] Lodge of Leeds aforesaid in the County aforesaid Merchant in his lifetime 

on or about the One and thirtieth day of October One thousand six hundred and fifty and 
six did make his last will and Testament in [ damage ] same did make Joseph Watkinson your 
Orator and One Joseph Norton since deceased Executors thereof and shortly after dyed 
after whose decease your said Orator and the said Joseph Norton in the life time of the said 
Joseph Norton proved the said Will and tooke upon them the Execucon thereof the said 
Joseph Watkinson refuse ing to intmeddle therewith as by the said Will if your Orator could 
produce the same would more plainely appeare And your said Orator further showeth to 
your Lordshippe that the said Richard Lodge being much indebted and owing severall great 
sumes of mony to severall p [er] sons to the valew of six thousand pounds and upwards and 
haveing severall goods Chatdes plate jewels and ready mony at the time of his death howbeit 
the same were much short in value to the debts oweing by the said Richard Lodge at the tyme 
of his death yet did your said Orator and the said Joseph Norton endeavour to possesse 
themselves of all the personall estate of the said Richard Lodge and to improve the same to 
the best value they could towards the timely paying of the debts of the said Estate but soe it 
is may it please your Lordshipp that one John Whelpdale Esquire and Sarah his wife which 
said Sarah was late wife and relict of the said Richard Lodge that is to say the said Sara while 
shee was sole and the said John Whelpdale and the said Sarah since the marriage was 
solemnized between them have privately and secredy possest themselves of severall great 
sumes of money gold and silver plate jewels house hold stuffe and other goods and Chatdes 

which were the said Richard Lodges at the time of his death to the valew of two thousand 
pounds and upwards and have conscerted the same secredy to their owne use on purpose to 
conceale the same from your Orator and to defraud the Creditors of the said Testator and to 
p[re]vent the p[er]formance of the will of the said Testator And although your said Orator 
and the saidjoseph Norton in his lifeUme and your said Orator since the death of the said 
Joseph Norton have and hath in friendly manner requested the saidjohn Whelpdale and 
Sarah his wife to give an account of the goods Chatties monyjewels plate gold and silver 
which came to their and either of their hands and to pay and deliver the same to your Orator 
yet doe the saidjohn Whelpdale and Sarah his wife refuse soe to doe confederateing with 
the saidjoseph Watkinson how to keep and detane the said p [er] sonall estate from your said 
Orator contrary to all equity and good conscience for all which said doeings your said 
Orator hath noe remedy at law for that hee cannot certainly set forth what goods mony plate 
j ewe 11s gold or silver is come to theire or to any of their hands and for that the saidjoseph 
Watkinson whoe is named one of the Executors in the said Will will not wyne with your 
Orator in any action to bee brought against other of the said other defendants John 
Whelpdale and Sarah his wife soe that your said Orator is totally remedylesse without the 
releise of this honourable Court where such cases are p[ro]p[er]ly releivable to the end 
therefore that the saidjohn Whelpdale and Sarah his wife may severally set forth upon their 
severall Oathes what goods money household stuffe plate jewells gold silver or other part of 
the p [er] sonall estate which was the said Richard Lodges at the time of his death hath or is 


376 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


come to theire or either of their hands or to the hands of any other by their privity consent 
or delivery, and may set out a tine Inventory of the true p[ar] ticular values of them And that 
the said Sarah may sett out if she hath not at some tyme confessed to your Orator the takeing 
away of One hundred pounds in Gold and severall parcells of plate And to the end that the 
said Joseph Watkinson may set out why hee will not wyne with your said Orator in the 
execucon of the said Will or that your said Orator may bee enabled to p[ro] secute alone and 
to the end that all and singular the goods Chatties money plate and other the p[er]sonall 
estate which was the said Testators at the time of his death and now in the hands of the said 
John Whelpdale and Sarah his wife may bee paid and delivered to your Orator towards the 
payment of the debts and p [er] formance of the Will of the said Testator And to the end your 
Orator may bee releived in the p [ro] misses your Orator humbly prayes a Subpena to bee 
directed to the saidjohn Whelpdale and Sarah his wife and to ye saidjoseph Watkinson 
thereby commanding them and every of them at a c [er] taine day and under a certaine paine 
therein to be limited p[er] sonally to bee and appeare before your Lordshipp in this high and 
honest Court of Chancery then and there to answere the p [ro] misses and further to stand to 
and abide such further order and directions therein as your Lordship shall thinke fit and 
agreeable to equity 8c Good conscience And your Orator shall dayly praye 

George Lee 


Yorkshire Archaeological Journal 79, 2007 


377 


AN INDENTURE DATED 1686 BETWEEN JOHN 
SAUNDERSON AND JOHN AND RACHELL TAYLOR 

By Charlotte Colding Smith 


This document is an indenture between John Saunderson of Bishop Burton and John and 
Rachell Taylor of Warter in the East Riding of Yorkshire. The indenture is in the possession 
of Special Collections, Baillieu Library, University of Melbourne, Australia, Parkville Campus. 
The transcription is preceded by a discussion of its palaeographical features, explanation of 
legal terms, comments on land ownership and comparisons with similar documents of this 
time but from other counties } 

INTRODUCTION 

The document considered (Fig. 1) is an indenture made in 1686 betweenjohn Saunderson 
of Bishop Burton and John and Rachell Taylor of Warter, both in the East Riding of Yorkshire. 
It is in the possession of Special Collections, Baillieu Library at the Parkville Campus of the 
University of Melbourne, Australia. The Library has no record of its provenance, but it is 
known to have been in the collection for at least fifteen years. This is the first time the 
document has been transcribed, and as far as can be ascertained, historians have not previously 
accessed it. The document is written on parchment, and is loosely held in place by mylar 
strips within a hinged frame and measures 68cm (average) by 46cm (to bottom of attached 
piece) . It is written in a standard seventeenth-century hand, though the writing is far less 
neat than in other examples such as ‘A Deed to Bargain and Sale from 1662’, reproduced by 
John West in Village Records. 1 2 It nevertheless follows standard format and wording. In the 
present example the indenture is a deed between two parties, though in other cases there 
might be more. It was executed in two copies, one for the buyer and one for the seller which 
were originally from the same parchment, with small variations. Several archives in the UK 
have been consulted, including East Riding Archive Service in Beverley and the Brynmor 
Jones Library at Hull University, none of which contains any information about this specific 
indenture or the property in question. As can be seen in the reproduction at Fig. 1 , at the top 
of the document it was cut with indentations or a wavy line so that the copies might be re- 
matched for identification and security, hence the word indenture which came in time to 
mean any deed or sealed agreement or contract between two or more parties, without 
special reference to its form. The term indenture also developed to refer to a contract of 
mutual agreement, and in this usage referred to the binding of soldiers to an army, or most 
commonly of an apprentice or servant to a master. 3 Prior to the present examination, it was 
assumed that this Saunderson-Taylor indenture was of the latter type. 

1 1 am grateful to Julianne Simpson, the Assistant Curator of Special Collections at the University 
of Melbourne, Baillieu Library, for suggesting the manuscript, allowing me access to it and 
providing me with some background information. 

5 John West, Village Records (London, 1962), document opposite p.132. See also Hilda E. P. 

Grieve, Some Examples of English Handwriting from Essex. Official, Eclesiastical and Family 
Archives of the 12th to the 17th Century (Essex Record Office Publications, 1949), pp. 22-3. 

3 OED, 'Indenture'; Bryce D. Lyon, From Fief to Indenture, the Transition Form Feudal to Non- 
Feudal Contract in Western Europe (Cambridge, Mass., 1957). 


378 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 



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Fig. 1 Reproduction of Indenture 


COMMENTARY 

The indenture concerns the transfer of land from John Saunderson to John and Rachell 
Taylor. Elizabeth, John Saunderson’s wife, is not mentioned at the start or end of the 
document, nor did she sign it. She is referred to only in the encumbrances. It is easy to find 
information about the sale of land by the landed gentry of Yorkshire over several generations. 4 
However, the lives of the owners of smaller properties are more difficult to trace. The two 
parties in this agreement had addresses in different villages, though close to one another. 
John Saunderson, the vendor, was a resident of Bishop Burton, possibly the son referred to 
in a 1658 will ofjohn Saunderson, husbandman. 5 Bishop Burton is noted in the Domesday 
Book, where it is came under the jurisdiction of Beverley. The village lies about three miles 
west of Beverley on the main road from York. The name comes from the ownership of the 
main manor by the archbishops of York. The name was changed from South Burton or 
Burton Next to Beverley in the early fourteenth century. A map, from 1772, shows that the 
village contained a mill, a church, a farm and surrounding land. h John and Rachell Taylor, the 

4 See for instance, Barbara English, The Great Landowners of Yorkshire (London, 1990) and 
Arthur S. Ruston, Hooton Pagnell : The Agricultural Evolution of a Yorkshire Village (London, 
1934). 

5 The National Archives, Kew [TNA] PROB 1 1/275, Prerogative Court of Canterbury and 
related Probate Jurisdictions: Will Registers, Wootton Quire Numbers 156-209, Will ofjohn 
Saunderson ofWarter, Yorkshire, husbandman, 10 March 1658. 

6 Ann Williams and G. H. Martin, eds., The Domesday Book, a Complete Translation (London, 
1992), pp.800, 877; K. J. Allison and C. R. Elrington, eds., The Victoria History of the Counties 
of England. A History of the Yorkshire East Riding, vol. 4 (Oxford, 1979), p.3 [Hereafter, VCH, 
ERTV\. 



DOCUMENTS 


379 


purchasers, were residents of Warter, which contained the land mentioned in the indenture. 
The village of Warter is also mentioned in the Domesday Book, which lists a church and mill, 
with twenty-nine carucates of land. 7 The Domesday Book also states that Warter contained 
twenty acres of meadow and the whole of the township was two leagues long and about the 
same broad. It is located twelve miles from Beverley andjust over seventeen miles from York, 
and the manor had in 1678 passed to William Pennington (1655-1730) , 1st baronet, on his 
marriage to Isabel Stapleton, daughter and heiress ofjohn Stapleton. 8 

The mention of spouses on both sides of the sale is more specific in the Saunderson- 
Taylor indenture than is sometimes the case. Spouses often left money or property to each 
other in wills, just as daughters were often provided for by their parents, and a widow re- 
attained her legal identity on her husband’s death, alongwith much of her own property, 
though as legal practices changed so did the position of the woman as owner or inheritor. 
The descriptions of the entitlements of the woman used in this indenture, ‘jointure’ and 
‘dower’, were used by families only where the men were of yeoman status or higher. This 
system gave women some legal holding over property and money, though there were still 
cases where the widow was not awarded the jointure. 9 

While the central characters in the Saunderson-Taylor indenture were the males, the 
roles of their wives in the transaction was also made clear. However, while John and Rachell 
Taylor as buyers had almost equal status and mention, John Saunderson’s wife Elizabeth was 
mentioned only in the encumbrances and in connection with her dower. Unlike her husband 
she does not seem to have taken part in the selling of the land - in lines 24 to 25 of the 
original the property was renounced on behalf ofjohn Saunderson ‘and from all and all 
manner of former and other bargains sales guifts grants Dowers and more especially from 
the Dowerjoyntures or thirds of Elizabeth now wife of the said John Saunderson’. This 
contrasts with the position of Rachell Taylor who was mentioned several times as a joint 
buyer of the property as well as respecting her usual rights after her husband’s death: ‘to the 
use and behoofe of the said Rachell for and during her naturall life in name of herjoynture 
or Dower’ (line 15) . Provision was also made in the indenture for their heirs not yet born: 
‘and after their decease then to the use of the heires of their live bodyes lawfully begotten or 
to be begotten and for want of such issue then to the right heires of the said John Taylor for 
Ever’ (line 16). 


7 A carucate was an area of land which varied in size depending on the nature of the land and 
soil. It was a measurement corresponding to how much land could be tilled in a year by one 
plough with its team of eight oxen. An oxgang or bovate was thus one eighth of a carucate. The 
survival of the word oxgang in this indenture contrasts with contemporary indentures from 
counties in the south of England which expressed land measurement in acres. See David Hey, The 
Oxford Companion to Local and Family History (Oxford, 1996) , entries under acre, bovate, 
carucate and oxen. 

8 Domesday Book, pp.788, 835, 877; VCH, ER IV, p.3; Brynmorjones Library, University of 
Hull, DDWA/6/61, Pennington Archives, Warter, Bargain and Sale, 14 May 1679. This 
Pennington indenture can usefully be compared with the one transcribed here in terms of layout, 
content and terminology [Ed.] . 

9 W. Coster, Kinship and Inheritance in Early Modern England: Three Yorkshire Parishes. 
Borthwick Papers 83 (York, 1993) , p.9.; Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Property in Early 
Modern England (London, 1993), pp.5-6, 61-78, 129, 139-43. also BarbaraJ. Harris, English 
Aristocratic Women, 1450-1550 (Oxford, 2002). 


380 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


PALAEOGRAPHICAL LEATURES AND CONCERNS 

There are palaeographical difficulties with this manuscript. At first glance it seems fairly 
straightforward: the words written in the larger script are easily legible and it is obvious that 
this is a legal document and an indenture. However, due to the nature of the storage and 
deterioration of the manuscript some details are missing. Until 1998 the indenture was kept 
folded, so the creases are quite marked and the writing in them is often hard or impossible 
to follow. 10 The worst case of this occurs in the middle of the document, where there are even 
some holes. In addition there is considerable fading of writing and darkening of the parchment 
to the right hand side of the indenture. Consequendy, some of die words are illegible though 
some might be made more legible by using ultraviolet and possibly infrared scanning 
techniques. Finally, some of the ink is smudged quite badly in certain areas, this often 
coinciding with folding or darkening and so causing further problems with legibility. At 
dmes even when letters are badly faded it is easy to make an educated guess, especially where 
a standard phrase is being employed. Sometimes the handwriting makes certain words 
difficult to discern and sometimes half a word is missing due to wear or discolouring: for 
instance Saunderson at the end of the twelfth line from the bottom. 

The work begins with a beaudfully decorated iniual ‘T’ at the start of the phrase This 
Indenture. The capitalizadon in this work, though changeable, does seem to have an order 
and structure, with capitals being used to emphasise the importance of a word as in God in 
the first line and Gendeman in the second. But the word Assignes, which is capitalised in the 
first half of the document, moves to a lower case ‘a’ towards the end of the indenture. At 
times there is the common problem of individual letters used by the scribe being difficult to 
distinguish: for instance ‘o’, and ‘e’, ‘s’ and ‘f and T and ‘f . 

Words are often run together so that two words become one, as with the term thensealing 
(line 4) . Standard abbreviations of words appear: for instance p’ to represent pre as in 
presents, and the omission of an n or m being indicated by a line over the text. The running 
of ‘A’ and ‘d’ together, as in Administrators, often makes the reading difficult, resulting in a 
strange shape much like a ‘W. Another problem is created by the letters ‘n’ and ‘u’, resulting 
in the question of whether the surname should be ‘Saunderson’ or ‘Sannderson’. The former 
has been assumed. 

EDITORIAL STYLE AND POLICY 

The transcription has been divided into paragraphs, with the larger bold writing beginning 
each section being transcribed into capital letters in order to distinguish them from the rest 
of the manuscript 1 1 Footnotes have been included to explain ambiguous cases and a glossary 
has been added for legal terms that are not in common usage outside the law. Editorial 
insertions are placed in square brackets [ ] . Where words are completely illegible this has 
been stated; where these have been guessed from their context, this is indicated by the use 
of italics. Some words, especially towards the right-hand end of a line, are partly illegible. If 
the intended full word is obvious, as with ‘Saunderson’, the full word has been included, the 

10 In 1998 it was treated by the fin Potter Conservation Centre at the University of Melbourne, 
Parkville Campus. 

11 This follows the practice used in some of the transcriptions in F..G..Emmison, How to Read 
Local Archives, 1550-1700 (Historical Association, London, 1973) 


DOCUMENTS 


381 


extension being place in italics and in square brackets. A similar technique has been used, 
but without the italics, for expansions of words that have been abbreviated. Where the word 
‘not’ has been inserted (6th line from the end in the section beginning Bee) the caret ( A ) has 
been inserted in front of the word, rather than below it. Dashes filling a line with no other 
purpose have been omitted, except in the case of the initial date as noted below. The original 
line-endings have not been preserved in the transcription. 

Although it has sometimes been difficult to distinguish between capital letters and lower 
case ones, a definite capitalisation technique seems to have been used, so capitalisation has 
been retained. In the cases where T has been taken to mean ‘J’ it has been transcribed as ‘J’, 
as for instance in Joynture, and the ‘ff at the beginning of a word is represented by the 
modem ‘F. 

SUMMARY 

This document, relating to a land transaction, contains only the signature of John 
Saunderson. It is his name (spelt Sanderson) on the reverse, folded over so that it can be seen 
at the bottom of the page following the last line of the document which states: ‘IN WTTNESSE 
where of the partyes to these p [re] sent Indentures have enterchangably set their hands and 
seales.’ Both copies would then have been signed and sealed in wax on the strip glued on to 
the bottom of the page. In the present document the seal has broken off the page, though 
some of the wax remains. The fact that this indenture is signed only by the vendor suggests 
that this copy was the one handed over to the purchasers to confirm their title to the land. 
The document follows the standard indenture form used throughout England during this 
period. It is divided into sections, similar to other indentures of this type and the different 
sections each begin with large bold case words. 

The first section is an introduction and begins with the phrase ‘THIS INDENTURE’ and 
refers to the date, the thirtieth of October 1686, and monarch of the time, James II who 
reigned from 6 February 1685 until his flight and assumed abdication on 1 1 December 
1688. The document was originally drafted with the date and month left blank, as they have 
been added later with a line to complete the unused space. The next section, beginning with 
‘BETWEENE’, defines the two parties involved. The third section begins with 
‘WITNESSETH’ and discusses the terms of the transaction and the amount of money. The 
fourth section, beginning with ‘HATH’, reinforces the terms of the sale of the property. The 
fifth section, beginning with ‘ALL’, considers the land in question, its size and the objects on 
it. The sixth section, beginningwith ‘TO HAVE &TO HOLD’, considers the ownership of 
the land; also what will happen to it after the death ofjohn and Rachell Taylor. The seventh 
section, beginningwith ‘TO’, considers the holding of the land and any rents which might 
come from it. Rents in this case refer to any money that is earned from the land. The eighth 
section, beginningwith ‘AND’, negates any rights by the seller, in this case John Saunderson 
and any of his relatives or heirs, especially his brother Thomas. The ninth section, also 
beginning with ‘AND’, states the position ofjohn Saunderson, his rights to the land, 
specifically the right to sell it. In pardcular it states that the land is free of a list of various 
encumbrances and indemnifiesjohn and Rachell Taylor and their heirs in the future. The 
next section, beginningwith ‘BEE’ considers the fines and recoveries placed upon the land. 
In particular it states, as was usual in such indentures, that John Saunderson and his heirs 


382 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


should not be compelled to travel further than York to carry out any assurances. The last 
section, beginning ‘IN WITNESSE’ ends the document, with the confirmation and note that 
die parUes have signed and sealed the document, making it legally binding. 

THE TRANSCRIPTION 

THIS INDENTURE made on the thirdeth - day off October - in the Seacond Yeare of the 
Reigne of o [u] r Soveraigne Lordjames the second by the Grace off God King of England 
Scodand France and Ireland Defender of the Faith yn 12 A[nn]o Dom[ini] 1686 

BETWEENEJohn Saunderson of Bishop Burton in the County of York Gentleman on 
th [e] one party Andjohn Taylor of Warter in the County af[o] resaid gent[leman] and Rachell 
his wife on th [e] other party 

WITNESSETH that the saidjohn Saunderson for and in consideration of the sume of 
threescore and thirteen poundes of lawfull money of England to him in hand and by the said 
John Taylor and Rachell his wife, before thensealing and delivery hereof. Whereof he doth 
hereby acknowledge the receipt and thereof and every part thereof doth hereby acquitt 
exonerate and discharg the saidjohn Taylor and Rachell his wife their heires Executors 
Administrators and Assignes and every of them and for diverse good causes and 
considerations him thereunto moveing. 

HATH [given] 13 granted bargained sold alyened enffeoffed released and confirmed and doth 
hereby for himself his [/ijeiresand assignes and every of them give grant bargain sellalyene 
[ enfeoff release] 14 and confirm unto [the said John Taylor and Rachell ] 15 his wife (in their 
actuall possession now being by virtue of an Indenture of Lease bargain and sale bearing 
date this day before the date of these p [re] sents made betwixt him the saidjohn Saunderson 
on th [e] one party and them the saidjohn Taylor and Rachell his wife on th [e] other party for 
one year: then next after and by vertue of the Statute made for transferring of uses into 
possession) and to their heires and Assignes for ever. 

ALL that Cottage situate and being in Warter aforesaid in a certain place there called [A — 
field] 16 with the grass Crofts belonging the same called Saunderson land. And all these two 
oxgangs of land arrable meadow and pasture be they more or lesse lying and being dispersed 
within the Township and Territories of Warter aforesaid called Hinsley5Land. Together 
with all the houses [and] [illegible] buildinges with all and singular Wayes waters woods 
underwoods com [m] ons and com [m] on of pasture easments profits and commodities 
whatsoever to the same belonging or in anywise apeteyning or therewith used occupied or 
enjoyed or taken or reputed to be part parcell or member thereof now or late in the tenure or 
occupation of Christopher Lutton or Jane Taylor or their Assignes and the Reversion and 
Reversions Remainder and Remainders rents issues and profits thereof and all the Deeds 
Evidences and Writings touching or concerning the same: And all the Estate right Tytle and 
interest claymed and demanded whatsoever of him the saidjohn Saunderson his heires or 

12 The expected word here would be Sec, although the lettering clearly suggests yn. 

13 The letters are too faded to be legible but this is the right length for the space and is the word 
often appearing in an indenture at this point. 

14 Illegible but these are the usual words at this point. 

15 Illegible but these are the expected words at this point. 

16 This word is badly faded. Searches of the Enclosure Award (1795), Pennington estate records, 
and maps have not suggested an appropriate entry for here [Ed.] . 


DOCUMENTS 


383 


assignes or any of them in or to the p [re] misses hereby granted or any part there of 

TO HAVE & TO HOLD all the said Cottage and grass Crofts and two oxgangs of land more 
or less and all other the p [re] misses with the appurtenances unto them the saidjohn Taylor 
and Rachell his wife and their heires and assignes for ever to the use intent and purpose 
hereafter mentioned (that is to say) to the use and behoofe offjohn Taylor aforesaid for and 
during his naturall life and after his decease then to the use and behoofe of the said Rachell 
for and during her naturall life in name of herjoynture or Dower and after their decease 
then to the use of the heires of their live bodyes lawfully begotten or to be begotten and for 
want of such issue then to the right heires of the saidjohn Taylor for Ever 

TO be holden of the cheif Lord or Lords of the Fee or Fees thereof by the rents and services 
therefore hereafter to be due and of right accustomed 

AND the saidjohn Saunderson and his heires and Assignes the p [re] misses hereby granted 
with the appurtenances [unto ] 17 the saidjohn Taylor and Rachell his wife and their heires 
and Assignes to the uses aforesaid Ag[ains] t him the saidjohn Saunderson his heires and 
Assignes and against Thomas Saunderson his Brother and his heires and all other person 
and persons whatsoever clayming the p [re] misses or any part thereof from by or under them 
or any of them will hereby warrant and by these p[re] sents for ever defend 

AND the saidjohn Saunderon doth for himself his heires Executors Administrators and 
Assignes and every of them [ doth covenant promise ] 18 and grant to and with the saidjohn 
Taylor and Rachell his wife their heires Executors Administrators and Assignes and every of 
them by these p [re] sents that he the saidjohn Saunderson at the time of the sealing and 
executing of these p [resen] ts is lawfully seized off and in the said Cottage and Crofts and two 
oxgangs of land more or lesse with th [e] appurtenances as of a good sure and indefeazable 
Estate of Inheritance in Fee Simple without any condition or lymitation to alter or make 
void the same; And that he the saidjohn Saunderson hath full power and lawfull authority to 
bargain sell and convey the same as aforesaid and that the p [re] misses hereby granted with 
the appurtenances shall from [henceforth and ] 19 for ever hereafter remaine and continue 
unto the saidjohn Taylor and Rachell his wife their heires and Assignes to the uses aforesaid 
Freely and clearly acquitted exonerated and discharged by the saidjohn Saunderson his 
heires Executors Administrators and Assignes of and from all and all manner of former and 
other bargains sales guifts grants Dowers and more especially from the Dowerjoyntures or 
thirds of Elizabeth now wife of the saidjohn Saunderson Leases rents arrearages of rents 
Annuityes Wills intails Statute Merchant and of the Staple Judgments forfeitures 
recognizances executions and incumbrances whatsoever and of and from all and all other 
charges tides troubles incumbrances whatsoever had made com [m] itted done or suffered by 
the John Saunderson or Thomas Saunderson their heires or assignes or any other person or 
persons whatsoever from by or under them or any of them, and further th [ at ] 20 the saidjohn 
Saunderson and his heires and Assignes shall and will at all time and times hereafter [up] on 
reasonable request and at the costs and charges in the Law off the saidjohn Taylor and his 


17 This is the expected and usual word. The text is smudged and there is a hole in the parchment. 

18 Illegible, but these are the usual words. 

19 Illegible but these are possible words at this point. 

20 Illegible but this is the expected completion of the word. 


384 


YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


wife their heires and assignes or any of them make do suffer acknowledge and execute or 
cause to be made done suffered acknowledged and executed all and every such further and 
other lawfull and reasonable act and acts thing and things devise and devises conveyances 
and assurances in the Law whatsoever, for the further more perfect and better assureing and 
sure making of the p [re] misses hereby granted and every part thereof unto the saidjohn 
Taylor and Rachell his wife their heires and assignes to the uses aforesaid 

BEE it by Line or Lines Leoffment recovery or Recoverys with single or double voucher or 
vouchers Deed or Deeds inroled or A not inroled the inrolement of these p [re] sents release 
or confimation with warranty as above or without warranty or by any of the said wayes or 
meanes or otherwise as by the said John Taylor and Rachell his wife their heires or assignes 
or his or their Councell learned in the Lawes of this Realme shall be reasonably devised 
advised or required, soe as the said John Saunderson his heires or assignes for doing and 
executing such further assurances be not compelled to travell further then the City of York 
and Casde of York w [hie] h said further assurances so to be had as aforesaid shall bee and 
more and shall be deemed and taken to be and more unto the onely use and behoofe of the 
saidjohn Taylor and Rachell his wife their heires and assignes to the use aforesaid and to 
noe other use intent or purpose whatsoever. 

IN WITNESSE where of the partyes to these present Indentures have enterchangably set 
their hands and seales the day and year Lirst above written. 

John Sanderson. 


GLOSSARY 

Definitions are drawn from the Oxford English Dictionary and from D. Hey, The Oxford 
Companion to Local andFamily History (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1996) . 

Appurtenance 

a minor property, right, or privilege, belonging to another more important, and passing in 
possession with it; the rights and duties appended to an agreement over holding land. 

Arrearage 

items overdue, outstanding amounts, arrears; esp. moneys overdue; debts. 

Behoof 

use, benefit, advantage. 

Dower 

the widow’s part, usually a third, of her husband’s estate that the Common Law allowed her 
during her lifetime or until she remarried. 

Easement 

the right or privilege of using something not one’s own. 

Encumbrance 

a burden on property: A claim, lien, liability attached to property; as a mortgage, a registered 
judgment 


DOCUMENTS 


385 


Enfeoff 

To hand over the fee-simple or fee-tail of lands, etc.; to give up entirely. 

Entail 

the settlement of the succession of a landed estate, so that it cannot be bequeathed at 
pleasure by any one possessor. 

Execution 

the enforcement by the sheriff, or other officer, of the judgment of a court; the obtaining of 
actual possession of anything acquired by judgement of law; the seizure of the goods or 
person of a debtor in default of payment. 

Feoffment 

the action of investing a person with a fief or fee; the particular mode of conveyance in 
which a person is invested with a freehold estate in lands by livery of seisin. 

Forfeiture 

the fact of losing or becoming liable to deprivation of an estate, goods, life, an office, right, 
etc. in consequence of a crime, offence, or breach of engagement. 

Indefeasible 

not defeasible; not liable to be ‘defeated’, made void, or done away with; that which cannot 
be forfeited. 

Jointure 

the holding of property to the joint use of a husband and wife for life or in tail, as a provision 
for the latter, in the event of her widowhood. Hence, by extension, a sole estate limited to the 
wife to take effect upon the death of the husband for the life of the wife at least; the annual 
sum payable to a widow out of her husband’s freehold estate. 

Recognizance 

a bond or obligation, entered into and recorded before a court or magistrate, by which a 
person engages himself to perform some act or observe some condition (as to appear when 
called on, to pay a debt, or to keep the peace) ; also, a sum of money pledged as a surety for 
such performance and rendered forfeit by neglect of it. 

Remainder 

the residual or further interest remaining over from a particular estate, coming into effect 
when this has determined, and created by the same conveyance by which the estate itself was 
granted. When the residual interest, instead of being devised to another, is reserved by the 
grantor, it is called a reversion. 

Reversion 

the return of an estate to the donor or grantor, or his heirs, after the expiry of the grant; an 
estate which thus returns to the donor or his heirs; an estate of this kind as granted or 
transferable to another party; especially upon the death of the original grantee; hence, the 
right of succeeding to, or next occupying, an estate, etc. 

Staple 

a town or place, appointed by royal authority, in which was a body of merchants having the 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


exclusive right of purchase of certain classes of goods destined for export; also, the body of 
merchants so privileged. 

Statute Merchant 

a bond of record, acknowledged before the chief magistrate of a trading town, giving to the 
obligee power of seizure of the land of the obligor if he failed to pay his debt at the appointed 
time. 

Third 

the third of the personal property of a deceased husband allowed to his widow. Also, the 
third of his real property to which his widow might be legally entided for her life. 

Voucher 

a written document or note, or other material evidence, serving to attest the correctness of 
accounts or monetary transacdons, to prove the delivery of goods or valuables, etc. 


DR IAN HOWARD GOODALL 


387 


OBITUARY 

DR IAN HOWARD GOODALL (1948-2006) 

Ian was born and brought up in York and spent most of his life in the city. He went to 
Nunthorpe Grammar School and became interested in York's architectural heritage as a 
schoolboy, pardy as a result of attending evening classes taught by a member of staff in the 
Royal Commission 

He went to the University College of South Wales and Monmouthshire (now the Univer- 
sity of Cardiff) in October 1966 to read History but soon transferred to Archaeology and 
graduated with a First in 1969, before undertaking a comprehensive survey of medieval 
ironwork in Britain for his doctorate. 

In 1972 he was appointed to be an Investigator in the York office of the Royal Commis- 
sion of Historical Monuments of England. At first with the archaeological division but soon 
transferring to the architectural division. 

He worked on volume 5 of the York inventory ( 1981 ) ; The Houses of the North York Moors 
(1987); Yorkshire Texdle Mills (1992); English Hospitals 1666-1948 (1998); Re-appraisals 
of Helmsley, Rievaulx and Duncombe park; and Burlington's York Assembly Rooms (publi- 
cation in 1970). 

Joining the YAS in 1967 he remained as a member until his death, belonging to the Family 
History, Medieval and Industrial History sections, in addition to serving on the Council 
from 1974-1979. 

He wrote his undergraduate dissertation on aspects of the Romano-British villas near 
Malton and in 1974 was one of the founding editors of the York Historian. 

He was actively involved in many aspects of Yorkshire’s architectural heritage but had a 
wide range of research interests which changed over time. His published works included 
research on the polite architecture of 18th century England. 

Having done his doctoral research on medieval ironwork, he continued to report on this 
subject for the rest of his life making many contributions to a number of excavations such as 
that at Winchester, and in Yorkshire, Wharram Percy. 

He was elected a Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries of London in 1982. 

Born in York on 23 January 1948 he died in York on 16 August 2006. He is survived by 
his wife Alison and their son Edward, both of whom took their degrees in Archaeology. 

Ian was always immensely courteous, interested in other people he had a wide circle of 
friends, both those with current professional interests and ones from long ago such as his 
contemporaries from Cardiff. 

Latterly he developed a passion for large and very fast motor bikes 

All were devastated by his sudden and untimely death. 


Jennifer Price 


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BOOK REVIEWS 


389 


BOOK REVIEWS 

HOMO BRITANNICUS: THE INCREDIBLE STORY OF HUMAN LIFE IN BRITAIN. 
By CHRIS STRINGER. 2006 London Allen Lane £25.00 

For twenty years or more I regularly climbed into a Land Rover or a Transit van and 
headed out of Oxford, south or west, to the gravel pits of the Thames Valley. I was usually 
guided by aerial photographs to the setdements and cemeteries of Roman Britain or the 
Anglo-Saxons. Strip away the thin topsoil and there lay the archaeology only a few centime- 
tres below the surface. 

While large teams of us knelt like supplicants trowelling the surface of the gravel there was 
another, much smaller, dedicated cult of searchers who could occasionally be observed 
sifting through the gravel itself or trudging, bent-backed in the soggy pits where drag lines 
had gobbled out the gravel deposits. They were delving into Britain’s deep past - into its Ice- 
Ages. Occasionally they emerged with a mammoth-tooth, a well-worn flint tool washed into 
the valley by some glacial torrent or very, very occasionally they discovered a peaty deposit 
embedded with jewel-like beetle carapaces, two hundred thousand years old. This caused 
major excitement. 

Once the leader of the cult invited me into his office in Banbury Road in North Oxford. 
Something lumpy lay under a towel, which he whipped away with a dramatic flourish. 
‘Behold - the second largest Acheulian hand-axe ever found in Britain! ’ This thing was so big 
it looked like it must have been made for the Lower Palaeolithic equivalent of the Great 
Exhibition. Perhaps some barrel-chested hominin had impressed the ladies with his hand- 
axe making prowess. Or vice-versa if you prefer a politically-correct Lower Palaeolithic. 
Clearly size mattered. Nevertheless the biggest hand-axe in Britain was still a stray find, an 
erratic. I never saw any in-situ occupation or even a fragmentary bone of a person. 

These archaeologists, geomorphologists, climatologists and palaeo-zoologists had their 
own jargon. For those of us who were notfully-paid-up members of the cult it was difficult to 
penetrate. The words of the Danish archaeologist Rasmus Nyerup, written in 1806, come to 
mind: ‘Everything which has come down to us from heathendom is wrapped in a thick fog. ’ 

How things have changed in the past decade or two. First the discovery of Boxgrove (West 
Sussex) with its marvellously preserved land surfaces, where single events remained vividly 
in tact -the knapping of a hand-axe, the butchery of a rhino or a horse. And in 1993 the 
recovery of a wolf-gnawed tibia of a forty-something Homo heidelbergensis provided the 
evidence for the earliest known human in northern Europe. Since then there have been 
other major discoveries: the Neanderthal butchery site in Lynford (Norfolk) , the first evi- 
dence of Upper Palaeolithic Arts at Creswell Crags and most importantly the new earliest 
evidence of human occupation in Northern Europe, 700,000 years old, discovered eroded 
by the sea atPakefield (Suffolk) in 2005. 

Some of these advances have come about thanks to the ancient Human Occupation of 
Britain project (AHOB) a consortium of about thirty specialists headed by Chris Stringer of 
the Natural History Museum. In Homo Britannicus Stringer explains the work of the 
project and synthesises the setdement history of Britain from 700,000 to 10,000 years ago. 
This is a beautifully packaged book, with superb illustradons. A complex story, still riddled 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


with gaps and uncertainties, is told with admirable clarity. Popular books on human evolu- 
tion are often written in that gushing, gulping, over-excited Time-Life style: ‘Sophie let out 
a shriek, andjumped to her feet waving a leg-bone. We had our first Neanderthal! ” You get 
none of that with Chris Stringer. He is a more sober guide. And partly because he has a 
serious message. Humans have colonized Britain at least eight times and each time - except 
for the last about twelve thousand years ago - they have been forced out by deteriorating 
climate. After a long period of relative climatic stability we are, ourselves, faced with cli- 
matic change - and probably induced by our own activities. So this is notjust a book about 
the past. Nevertheless it is the clearest and most coherent account of a fascinating subject - 
the human occupation of a remote, often ice-bound peninsula of Eurasia known as Britain. 

The specialist elements: Marine Oxygen Isotope Records, vole clocks, the physical an- 
thropology, the typology of lithics, sonar surveys of the sea bed, can be fairly austere stuff, 
but Stringer’s narrative carries us through the best part of a million years with the verbal 
equivalent of time lapse photography. Homo Bntannicus is one of the most significant 
archaeological publications of recent years. Thanks to Chris Stringer, Nyerup’s fog is 
blown away and any of us can understand the Palaeolithic and human vulnerability. Ridicu- 
lously our national curriculum for schools begins with the Romans. Now there is no excuse 
not to begin at the beginning. 

London David Miles 


THE BRUS FAMILY IN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND 1000-1295. By RUTH M. 
BLAKELY. The Boydell Press, Woodbridge, 2005. Pp. xiv + 286, 2b/wand 7 line illustra- 
tions. ISBN 1 84383 152X. £45.00 ($80.00). 

The Brus family was one of the most important of the cross border dynasties of the Middle 
Ages. Though primarily known for its most famous son, Robert the Bruce, Blakely’s study 
does an admirable job of uncovering the origins and development of the Brus clan prior to 
his rise, from Norman migrants to key players in both Border and ‘national’ Anglo-Scottish 
politics in the high medieval period. Starting with Robert I, the founder of the family’s 
fortunes in the North, Blakely shows how the Brus family then divided into separate branches 
on either side of the Border (Skelton and Annandale) , both of which, however, were to play 
crucial, if varying, parts in the history of the period. Whether as combatants in the rivalries 
of different border families, or as geographically peripheral yet often crucial players in the 
Anarchy, Henry the Younger’s Rebellion in 1173-4, Kingjohn’s troubles with his nobility, or 
de Montfort’s rebellion later in the century, both branches of the Brus family had their part 
- though as is made clear throughout the book, the Bruses of Annandale, despite being the 
geographically more distant, were from early on also increasingly in the thick of high poli- 
tics, with the Skelton Bruses generally being content to stay within their own sphere of 
influence - ‘The North was their world’, as Blakely succincdy puts it (p.183) . The second half 
of the book looks at the mechanics of dynastic landownership: land management, income, 
household life, status and patronage. Though Blakely shows these in some ways to be not 
substantially different from many other families of a similar size in the period, the fact that 
the concept of the ‘Border’ and its rules and customs was often more real to these, and 
similar, families than decisions either in London or Edinburgh does put a somewhat differ- 


BOOK REVIEWS 


391 


ent hue on day-to-day noble life. However, though the research is meticulous, and the appen- 
dices (especially those of the Brus charters) are very useful, there are a couple of areas where 
the author could have expanded, and thought a little more widely about her topic - in 
particular, perhaps comparing the division of the Brus line with the impact, further south, of 
the more momentous loss of Norman lands on ‘English’ nobles after 1204, as well as giving 
more of a sense of the dynastic polidcs overall on the northern border. In addidon, images 
of the seals and arms, and better pictures of the Brus cenotaph would have been useful (the 
discussion of this and its pertinence at the end of the book is very interesdng, but it would 
be nice to be able to identify the different features a bit more clearly on the actual plates) , as 
well as perhaps a brief biographical index of key players at the end. That said, this is a well- 
written, detailed and valuable book, and deserves to be read by anyone with an interest in 
either Border life and polidcs, or the larger Anglo-Scottish situation in the later Middle 
Ages. It clearly shows the stresses and strains which can divide a family into two separate if 
at Umes touching lines and the often far reaching fates which awaited them both. 

Leicester James Bothwell 


MEDIEVAL SELBY - A NEW STUDY OF THE ABBEY AND TOWN. By J.D. HASS. 
1069-1408, Yorkshire Archaeological Society Occasional Paper No. 4 (2006) , xi + 142pp, 
ISBN 1 9035 6445 X. 

'History', opined Nigel Molesworth, 'started badly and havbeen ge ting steadily worse'. 
This dictum could be applied to Selby Abbey. It was founded by a renegade monk named 
Benedict from the abbey of St Germanus in Auxerre, Burgundy, who, following some visions 
of the saint, set out for England without permission from his superiors, taking with him a 
previous relic of the saint's finger. Commanded by Germanus to go to Selby, he turned up at 
Salisbury by mistake. His eventual arrival in Yorkshire coincided with the harrying of the 
north. So when William the Conqueror gave him land right by the river at Selby and a modest 
endowment, one may well wonder how this unknown French monk would have been re- 
ceived by the locals. His abbacy was not a conspicuous success. At one point he pawned the 
precious relic of St Germanus and in 1096/7 he was deposed by William Rufus for alleged 
abuse of his authority. The community had still not been provided with permanent accom- 
modation., His successor, Abbot Hugh, had to move the monastery to a new site further from 
the river and started the construction of a large abbey church. Almost immediately the piers 
supporting the crossing tower started sinking into the mud, leaving one of the most alarm- 
ingly distorted Romanesque arches in the country. Abbot Hugh's memory was later held in 
reference, but an unusually high proportion of his successors resigned or had to be deposed. 
Construction of the abbey church continued painfully slowly, and it was still not complete a 
century later. Subsequently, it again took the best part of a centuryjust to build the enlarged 
Decorated eastern arm which can still be seen. Following the Dissolution, the monastic 
buildings were expunged so thoroughly that the uninformed visitor would scarcely realise 
there had every been a monastery there. In 1690 the central tower collapsed, taking the 
south transept with it. The magnificent fourteenth-century east window had decayed away 
almost to nothing by the mid nineteenth century, and in 1906 a catastrophic fire destroyed 
the roof of the church from end to end. 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


And yet . . . Selby's history can also be read as a triumph of perseverance over 
adversity. The abbey church is the best preserved of Yorkshire's many great monastic 
churches, and careful restoration over the last century and a half has left it probably in a 
better state than before. The value of Selby's written records has increasingly been recog- 
nised. The cartulary, including the twelfth-century narrative of the abbey's foundation known 
as the Historia, was published byJ.T. Lowler in two volumes in the Society's Record Series 
in 1891-3. The Historia has been the subject of important studies in recent years by Barrie 
Dobson andjanet Burton. A useful range of account rolls and other documentary sources 
survives from the later Middle Ages, and was the basis for J.H. Tillotson's edition and 
analysis of selected account rolls from the period 1398-1537, published in 1988. This ac- 
counts for the cut-off date of Hass's study, 1408 being the end of the abbacy of John de 
Sherburn, who ruled Selby from 1369. 

Hass is a historian, so readers will find no new insights here into the architecture and 
fabric of the abbey church. And although the damp, low-lying ground close to the Ouse 
provides a potentially rich archaeological resource, excavation of the abbey and town has 
scarcely begun. Apart from what can be exfracted from the abbey archives, documentation 
for the medieval town of Selby is slight, so the history of the town, in so far as it can be 
reconstructed at all, is essentially an account of its citizens' links to the abbey. As one would 
expect with a book based on a doctoral dissertation, Hass has assiduously accumulated all 
the documentary evidence he can find, and the extensive bibliography and scholarly appara- 
tus will serve future researchers well. Hass adopts a two-fold structure. The first three chap- 
ters give a chronological account of the monastery, abbot by abbot, very much in the tradi- 
tion of a medieval monastic history. This is followed by three chapters which are focussed 
thematically on the monastic corporation, the benefactors and the monastic town. In places 
it is hard to see the wood for the U'ees, and there are difficulties with the sfructure. The first 
chapter is based very closely on the Historia and has little to add to the earlier work of 
Dobson and Burton. The discussion of the patronage of the monastery, in particular the 
respective roles of the king and the archbishop, does not appear until Chapter Live, even 
though it has an important bearing on the disturbed early history of the monastery. The 
thirteenth-century history is known largely from external sources such as the royal archives, 
and Chapter Two becomes a rather flat account of the discernible activities of a succession 
of abbots who are scarcely more than names. The fourteenth-century abbots emerge in a 
more interesting light, thanks to their higher public profile and the survival of the registers 
of two of them. This is the period where Hass has the most interesting new material, but as 
much of it relates to material which is explored more fully in Chapters Lour to Six, there is 
inevitable repetition. Much of the useful discussion in Chapter Lour revolves around the 
running of the abbey estates, whose acquisition is not discussed until the following chapter. 
And it is not until Chapter Six that the pre-monastic origins of Selby are fully explored, even 
though they have a significant bearing on the still-baffling foundation narrative. The text is 
illustrated with some useful plans and tables, though the two plans of the town of Selby are 
very sketchy and fail to feature some of the elements of the local topography discussed in 
Chapter Six, which leaves the reader without an intimate knowledge of the town in some 
difficulty. 

York 


Christopher Norton 


BOOK REVIEWS 


393 


RIEVAULX ABBEY AND ITS SOCIAL CONTEXT, 1132-1300. MEMORY, LOCALITY 
AND NETWORKS. By EMILIA JAMROZIAK Brepols, Medieval Church Studies 8, 
Turnhout2005,pp. xii + 252. 4b/wline art, 160 x240 mm, 2005, Price (hbk) Euro 60. ISBN 
978-2-503-52177-0. 

Monastic cartularies are among the most plentiful sources for the history of twelfth- and 
thirteenth-century England. Few high medieval cartularies, however, have been subjected to 
the detailed scrutiny given to that of Rievaulx Abbey by Emiliajamroziak. In an insightful 
and lucid study, Jamroziak examines the ways in which this major Cistercian house related 
to its patrons, benefactors and neighbours, both lay and ecclesiastical. The Rievaulx cartu- 
lary is of particular interest as one of the earlier Cistercian cartularies (dating to the late 
twelfth century) , and for its organisation of charters by tenurial rather than topographical 
principles - allowing Jamroziak to draw conclusions about the abbey’s early identity and the 
relative value it placed on particular grants and benefactors. 

After providing a broad historiographical context for her research (with particular refer- 
ence to recent Cistercian studies) , Jamroziak explores the Rievaulx community’s relation- 
ships with different categories of neighbour. After the death of the house’s founder, Walter 
Espec, the abbey did not enjoy close relations with its new patrons, the Ros family. Rievaulx, 
however, attracted patronage from a wide range of baronial benefactors, and an even greater 
number of its knightly neighbours. Jamroziak discusses sensitively the nature of the connec- 
tions between abbey and local aristocracy, showing how lasting social ties were forged by the 
process and ritualisation of benefaction, the confirmation of others’ grants and the witness- 
ing of charters. The regular land disputes faced by the monks are also discussed and placed 
in the context of wider social and tenurial networks. These themes of mutual support and 
conflict are then studied in the ecclesiastical sphere, through an examination of Rievaulx’s 
varied contacts with other monasteries and with the ecclesiastical authorities of the north- 
ern province. 

Throughout the study, Jamroziak brings out well the tension between the abbey’s need to 
create fruitful social ties while preserving its Cistercian character. The early abbots of 
Rievaulx succeeded in building up a large landed endowment, without allowing the house to 
fall under the strong influence of any one family. Similarly, the monastery maintained good 
relations with the archbishops of York and the bishops of Durham, partly through 
personalcontacts and pardy through its (apparendy pragmatic) reluctance to acquire dthes. 
Yet Jamroziak sensibly argues for studying Rievaulx in its local context, rather than judging 
the house by its success or failure to live up to the statutes of the general chapter. Indeed, one 
of the most interesting conclusions of the book is the author’s suggesdon that the Yorkshire 
Cistercians had more in common with their Polish or Silesian equivalents than with French 
houses, so often taken as the normaUve yardstick of the order. 

This wider geographical perspective is undoubtedly one of the book’s greatest strengths, 
although there is also much of value here for the student of Yorkshire monasteries, topogra- 
phy and social elites. There are of course limitations to what a cartulary can tell us about the 
history of a monastic community, with the inevitable emphasis on land holding and property 
disputes; and the relatively small size of the Rievaulx archive sometimes makes it difficult to 
draw wider conclusions, or test broader hypotheses. The early date of the cartulary also 
means that this study reveals rather more about the twelfth-century phase of the abbey’s 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


development than the consolidation, leasing and purchase of property in the thirteenth 
century. Nevertheless, Emiliajamroziak’s book demonstrates how fruitful the close study of 
individual cartularies can be for deepening our understanding of the relations between 
monasteries and society. 

Liverpool Martin Heale 


ST WILLIAM OF YORK By CHRISTOPHER NORTON. Pp. xvi + 273. Woodbridge, 
Suffolk and Rochester, NY: Boydell and Brewer for the York Medieval Press, 2006. ISBN: 1 
90315317 4. £45/$80. 

William fitzHerbert was a man who owed his promotions to his friends. His father was one 
of Henryks ‘new men’, those ambitious new bureaucrats in the machinery of government 
whose ruthless opportunism engineered for young William the posts of York Minster Treas- 
urer and Archdeacon of Beverley. Arriving in Yorkshire, William displayed an unusual 
knack for finding advocates, in the powerful Earl, William of Aumale, the exiled Bishop of 
the Orkneys, and his own protege, the future Bishop of Durham, Hugh du Puiset. Such was 
this ability that even his father’s dramatic fall and mutilation for attempting to murder King 
Henry barely dented William’s career. To the loyal backing of his family and Yorkshire allies 
he added the support of the new king, Stephen, and Stephen’s manoeuvring brother Henry 
of Blois, Bishop of Winchester (themselves half-cousins of the well-connected William) . Many 
stood by William for fifty years, as did their sons, promoting William to the highest offices in 
life, to Archbishop of York (twice) , and in death, to sainthood. 

Christopher Norton’s study is an exceptional piece of historical detective work, resur- 
recting William’s career and the networks of friendship that secured it This is an inside look 
at polidcal life on the northern borders, and William garnered stalwart loyalty from some of 
the most exposed figures in treacherous dmes. It is intriguing then that William, clearly a 
man of great character, has left such little sign of his personality. Even after his elecdon as 
archbishop inaugurated years of vitriolic dispute, the letters that flew between Yorkshire, 
Clairvaux, and the papal curia preserve litde substandve sign - in the accusadons or William’s 
own reacdons - of William’s tastes, traits or even choices. We perhaps glimpse William the 
man only when, aged and deposed, he retreated to his home town of Winchester, choosing 
study and prayer over polidcal service. Nor are there notable accomplishments to recon- 
struct a professional personality. Norton ingeniously advances William’s role in the bitter 
primacy disputes under Thurstan; yet somehow even this reinforces a picture of William as 
a trusted, experienced agent in hazardous polidcal dmes. Even his sancdty was less earned 
than engineered by friends; his single ‘miracle’ during his lifedme, at the Ouse bridge, was 
really more a fortunate result of which he was an observer than a miracle. Norton’s chapters 
cleverly use William’s different names to construct the phases of his life: William the son of 
Herbert, William the Treasurer, William the Archbishop (first and second Ume) , and Saint 
William. At first glance, these ddes highlight William’s evolving idenddes; on reflection they 
suggest the stations imposed upon this elusive man: the son of ambitious Herbert, the 
Treasury Herbert obtained for him, an Archiepiscopacy secured by his friends and con- 
tested by their enemies, and a sainthood orchestrated by a church in need of a saint. 


BOOK REVIEWS 


395 


Norton’s work is impressive not in spite of this oddly bland utility to the ambitions of 
others, but because of it. Although a marvellously documented biography of William, this is 
not really a book about William. In Norton’s hands, with a careful balance of documentary 
reconstruction, architectural analysis and ‘informed speculation’ (p. 34) , William becomes 
the mechanism to access a daily life of the twelfth century, if not of its average persons then 
perhaps of its more average personalities, or at least of the cadre who served the great 
personalities. It is in fact a fascinating look at family, Minster officials, local politics, the 
engineering of saints’ cults, and the development of religion (both monastic and parochial) 
in the north during the politically unsetded but richly inventive twelfth century. 

York Sethina Watson 


WITHIN THE PALE: THE STORY OF SHERIFF HUTTON PARK. Edited by ED 
DENNISON. Pp. iv + 272. Figs. 155. Colour pis. 81. William Sessions, York, 2005. Price 
£15. ISBN 1 85072 332 X. 

This attractive volume represents the culminaUon of the Sheriff Hutton Women's Insti- 
tute Community Pale Project, a venture begun in 2003 to create a pictorial map of the pale 
of the medieval deer park attached to Sheriff Hutton casde in North Yorkshire, but signifi- 
cantly broadened in its scope by a grant from the Local Heritage InitiaUve (a partnership 
between the Heritage Lottery Fund, Nationwide Building Society and the Countryside 
Agency) . Expert assistance was sought, notably from Ed Dennison for the archaeology, and 
the result is a comprehensive, wide-ranging and eminendy readable account of the park (its 
history, archaeology, landscape, ecology, buildings and people) from prehistory to the present 
day. 

Each of the book's nineteen chapters relies on the input of several project members and 
many are the work of more than one author. My initial concern that this would result in a 
somewhat disjointed text was soon proved unfounded and I am happy to report that every 
effort has seemingly been made to ensure its smooth dow and avoid repeddon. As it stands, 
the book provides a collecdon of well-researched and varied contribudons that offer some- 
thing of interest to everyone - 'the photographer, farmer, historian, rambler, archaeologist, 
villager, landowner and ecologist' (p. 259) . 

From a research point of view, the Pale Project offers a model of good pracdce, with great 
care clearly taken to make the most of all available sources; maps, documents, oral history, 
archaeological remains, place-names, aerial photographs, standing buildings and, of course, 
the landscape itself, complete with its trees, hedgerows and rich diversity of wildlife. Ar- 
chaeological highlights include the deserted medieval village at East Lilling, an enigmaric 
rectilinear enclosure that may be an important Roman o-Bridsh setdement and the spectacu- 
lar earthwork remains of both the first (earthwork) casde and also the formal gardens asso- 
ciated with the second (stone) casde, 500m to the west. In truth, an enure scholarly volume 
should perhaps be devoted to the archaeology and landscape history of the park, rather than 
two or three meagre chapters, but this concise account does at least give the reader a sense 
of the enormous archaeological potential that awaits the future researcher. 

The ecology of the park is reported in two chapters (9 and 10) , which present the results 


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YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL 


of surveys conducted into the flora and fauna of the park's farms, together with its hedge- 
rows and trees, including some notable ancient oaks. Sheriff Hutton's architectural history, 
meanwhile, is explored in three chapters (7, 15 and 16) that examine in turn the second 
castle, the eighteenth-century Hall (itself a conversion of a seventeenth-century lodge) and 
the park's three farms. No fewer than five chapters (11, 12, 13, 14 and 17) are dedicated to 
the rich social history of the park from 1485 to the present day, focusing on the people and 
families that have shaped its more recent past. Finally, the detailed local research carried out 
at Sheriff Hutton is given a wider national context by useful overviews of parks in the 
Middle Ages (Chapter 2) and medieval hunting (Chapter 3) , in addition to informed discus- 
sions of herbs and healing in Chapter 8 and medieval woodland management in Chapter 10. 

Alongside the text are numerous well-chosen illustrations, including archive maps and 
plans and several modem photographs (many in colour) taken by project members. Unfortu- 
nately, the task of folding a particular figure in the book is hampered by the absence of a list 
in the preliminaries, whilst the drawings of archaeological artefacts in Chapter 4 are not 
accompanied by scales. Otherwise, the quality of the plates and figures is excellent. 

Overall, both the book and the Pale Project itself succeed admirably, not only in providing 
a stimulating account of the local history of Sheriff Hutton Park, but also in promoting 
national awareness of its cultural value, in terms of its archaeology, architecture, ecology and 
surviving landscape. Many interesting questions are raised by the study and it is clear to me 
that the park will reward those who are prepared to invest time, effort and money into its 
future research. 

Durham Simon Draper 


THE MERCHANT TAYLORS OF YORK: A HISTORY OF THE CRAFT AND COM- 
PANYFROM THE FOURTEENTH TO THE TWENTIETH CENTURY. Edited by R.B. 
DOBSON 8c D. M. SMITH. Pp.viii + 210. Borthwick Texts and Studies 33, York, 2006. 
ISBN-13: 978-1-904497-16-5. ISBN-10: 1-904497-16-0. £25.00. 

The Hall of the Company of Merchan